Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Apr 29, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Families · Source
82%
of sponsored bills got out of committee, the highest of 47 in the Maryland Senate
82% of 62 sponsored bills got out of committee; the average for the Maryland Senate is 60%. Ranks 1st of 47, where 1st is the highest share.
The share of bills Zucker sponsored that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, ranked within the Maryland Senate. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position as well as effort.
At a glance
6 measures against the Maryland Senate. Zucker reported $235.3K in the 2026 cycle, in the top quarter of State Senate Democrats (median $55.5K). Zucker sits at −0.82 on the CSIP scale, more liberal than 74% of State Senate Democrats.
The measures on which Zucker sits furthest from the middle of the Maryland Senate, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Out of committee
82%
Maryland Senate average 60% · ranks 1st of 47
Party unity
100%
Maryland Senate average 94.9% · ranks 2nd of 46 · 0 votes against the majority of Maryland Senate Democrats
Itemized, 2026
$235.3K
State Senate Democrats’ median $55.5K · ranks 130th of 746
CSIP ideology
−0.82
More liberal than 74% of State Senate Democrats · ± 0.04
From Maryland, 2026
87%
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 486th of 714 State Senate Democrats
Attendance
97.6%
Maryland Senate average 93.6% · ranks 17th of 46 · 2,121 roll calls
Peer group: Maryland Senate. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Zucker, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Zucker is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Zucker says
Zucker criticizes policies more than 96% of State Senate Democrats. Policy criticism in 33% of 33 statements, against 10% for the average State Senate Democrat; 12th of 329.
An AI model reads each of Zucker’s 33 statements in the MD 2025–26 session (33 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Democrats and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the MD 2025–26 session
0%80%
Zucker
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion18 statements
55%
43%
104th of 329
Policy criticism11 statements
33%
10%
12th of 329
Credit claiming3 statements
9%
16%
213th of 329
Bipartisanship2 statements
6%
3%
58th of 329
Personal attacks1 statements
3%
2%
80th of 329
Show the data
| Row | Zucker | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 55% | 43% |
| Policy criticism | 33% | 10% |
| Credit claiming | 9% | 16% |
| Bipartisanship | 6% | 3% |
| Personal attacks | 3% | 2% |
33
statements classified
33 posts on X.
Show the data
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 33 |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is Zucker; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Democrats. A longer thick bar means Zucker does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Zucker used no extreme labels in 33 statements. The peer average is 0.8%.
No extreme labels in this window.
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
No targets recorded.
What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the MD 2025–26 session
No month in this window has 10 or more statements, too few to chart month by month.
How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the MD 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 22 months are hatched here; 9 of them have no statements.
In Zucker’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Bipartisanship
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Sep 12, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · bipartisanship · Source
Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Aug 25, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Foreign Trade and International Finance; Taxation · Source
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · International Affairs · target: Donald TrumpSource
All 33 statements
Newest first, the MD 2025–26 session
The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 33 posts on X.
Policy
Government Operations and Politics is what Zucker talks about most: 22% of policy statements, above the peer share. Peers give it 14%. Agreement with legislation needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Zucker talks about. The bills Zucker sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What Zucker talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the MD 2025–26 session
0%35%
Zucker
Peers
Government Operations and Politics4 statements
22%
14%
Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues2 statements
11%
8%
Economics and Public Finance2 statements
11%
10%
Education2 statements
11%
15%
Foreign Trade and International Finance2 statements
11%
1%
Show the data
| Row | Zucker | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Government Operations and Politics | 22% | 14% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 11% | 8% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 11% | 10% |
| Education | 11% | 15% |
| Foreign Trade and International Finance | 11% | 1% |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of Zucker’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Democrats averages.
Show the data
| Area | Talks about | State Senate Democrats, talks about | Legislates on | State Senate Democrats, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Government Operations and Politics | 22% | 14% | 10% | 8% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 11% | 8% | 3% | 5% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 11% | 10% | 3% | 3% |
| Education | 11% | 15% | 10% | 9% |
| Foreign Trade and International Finance | 11% | 1% | 0% | 0% |
No agreement score.Needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills in the window.
What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Zucker legislates on exactly the areas Zucker talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Zucker sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology
Zucker sits at −0.82 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more liberal than 74% of State Senate Democrats. Approximate range −0.86 to −0.77, which understates the uncertainty; from 826 donors and 1,141 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
−0.82
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −0.86 to −0.77. From 826 donors and 1,141 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Zucker, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Zucker’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Zucker sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
State Senate Democrats825 · median −0.7
Maryland Senate47 · median −0.6
All State Senate1,909 · median +0.1
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Zucker |
|---|---|---|---|
| State Senate Democrats | 825 | −0.7 | 26% |
| Maryland Senate | 47 | −0.6 | 17% |
| All State Senate | 1909 | +0.1 | 11% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Zucker in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Zucker.
Money
Zucker reported $235.3K in the 2026 cycle, 4.2 times the State Senate Democrats’ median of $55.5K. State filings report no small-donation total. 87% of itemized individual money came from Maryland.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
$235.3K
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 418 itemized donors. State Senate Democrats’ median $55.5K.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
- Individuals (itemized)83 squares$196.0K
- PACs and other committees17 squares$39.2K
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $196.0K | 83.3% |
| PACs and other committees | $39.2K | 16.7% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Receipts by cycle
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State Senate Democrats’ median for 2026.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $47.3K |
| 2022 cycle | $253.2K |
| 2024 cycle | $174.4K |
| 2026 cycle | $235.3K |
Top donor states, 2026
Itemized contributions by donor state. 87% came from Maryland.
- Maryland$170.9K
- Ohio$9,000
- District of Columbia$5,088
- Virginia$3,600
- New Jersey$2,156
Small donations
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Maryland | $170.9K |
| Ohio | $9,000 |
| District of Columbia | $5,088 |
| Virginia | $3,600 |
| New Jersey | $2,156 |
| Delaware | $1,859 |
| Pennsylvania | $1,500 |
| Florida | $1,000 |
| Colorado | $500 |
| California | $450 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
418
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
87%
from Maryland
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Maryland. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No occupations reported.
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
- PLUMBERS AND STEAMFITTERS LOCAL 486 PAC$6,000
- MSEA'S FUND FOR CHILDREN AND PUBLIC EDUCATION PAC$3,250
- HOSPITAL ASSOCIATION PAC, MARYLAND$3,000
- LIERMAN, BROOKE FOR MARYLAND$3,000
- BALTIMORE WASHINGTON CONSTRUCTION & PUBLIC EMPLOYEES LABORERS PAC$2,000
Top employers
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
Zucker voted with the majority of Maryland Senate Democrats on 100% of party-line votes and missed 2.4% of 2,121 roll calls. Maryland Senate on average: 94.9% party unity, 93.6% attendance. Across all roll calls, Zucker never voted against the majority of Maryland Senate Democrats.
2,121 roll calls Zucker could vote on in the MD 2025–26 session, compared with Maryland Senate. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Zucker voted with the majority of Maryland Senate Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
0
votes against the majority of Maryland Senate Democrats
Party unity 100%, Maryland Senate average 94.9%, ranks 2nd of 46. 2,121 roll calls in the MD 2025–26 session.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Zucker, the thin grey bar the Maryland Senate average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
80%100%
Zucker
Peers
Rank
Attendance
97.6%
93.6%
17th of 46
Party unity
100%
94.9%
2nd of 46
Show the data
| Row | Zucker | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 97.6% | 93.6% |
| Party unity | 100% | 94.9% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the MD 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Aug 4, 2026 | HB 2100 Election Districts - General Assembly and Representatives in Congress Suspended Rule 24 to allow two readings of a bill in the same day | Yea | With majority | pass | D 31–0 · R 0–13Democrats 31 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 0 yea, 13 nay | became law · much discussed |
| Aug 4, 2026 | HB 2100 Election Districts - General Assembly and Representatives in Congress Floor Amendment Salling /763427/1 | Nay | With majority | fail | D 1–29 · R 13–0Democrats 1 yea, 29 nay; Republicans 13 yea, 0 nay | became law · much discussed |
| Aug 4, 2026 | HB 2100 Election Districts - General Assembly and Representatives in Congress Floor Amendment West /943226/1 | Nay | With majority | fail | D 0–30 · R 13–0Democrats 0 yea, 30 nay; Republicans 13 yea, 0 nay | became law · much discussed |
| Aug 4, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 30–0 · R 0–13Democrats 30 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 0 yea, 13 nay | became law · much discussed | |
| Aug 4, 2026 | HB 2100 Election Districts - General Assembly and Representatives in Congress Floor Amendment Ready /393120/1 | Nay | With majority | fail | D 0–30 · R 13–0Democrats 0 yea, 30 nay; Republicans 13 yea, 0 nay | became law · much discussed |
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Zucker most often
- Guy GuzzoneD2,009 shared votes100%
- Brian FeldmanD2,046 shared votes100%
- Will SmithD1,996 shared votes100%
- Kevin HarrisD1,101 shared votes100%
- Malcolm AugustineD2,065 shared votes100%
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Zucker least often
- Johnny MautzR2,050 shared votes76%
- Jason GallionR2,056 shared votes76%
- Justin ReadyR2,061 shared votes76%
- Steve HersheyR1,910 shared votes77%
- Paul CordermanR2,052 shared votes77%
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
MD 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Legislation
Zucker sponsored 62 bills in the MD 2025–26 session; 34 became law. Cosponsored 0 others. 82% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Maryland Senate average 60%; 1st of 47).
The bills Zucker sponsored and cosponsored in the MD 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the MD 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 62 | 62 | 51 | 40 | 34 |
| Cosponsored | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Zucker sponsored, ochre blocks bills Zucker cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
82%
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Maryland Senate average 60%. Ranks 1st of 47.
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Zucker, by number of shared bills in the MD 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
- Shelly Hettleman32
- Karen Young30
- Nancy King29
- Malcolm Augustine25
- Cory McCray25
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Zucker’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| SB 996 | Family Law and Human Services - Guardianship Assistance Program and State Foster Youth Ombudsman - Establishment (Kanaiyah's Law) | Sponsor | Mar 5, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Families(model) | Referred Rules and Executive Nominations Apr 10, 2026 |
| SB 1007 | Prior Authorizations of State Debt - Alterations | Sponsor | Feb 26, 2026 | Became law | Economics and Public Finance(model) | Approved by the Governor - Chapter 176 Apr 28, 2026 |
| SB 970 | Sports Wagering - Independent Evaluation of Sports Wagering | Sponsor | Feb 13, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Commerce(model) | Hearing 4/02 at 1:00 p.m. Mar 25, 2026 |
| SB 962 | January 6th Insurrectionists - Prohibition on Service in Certain Government Roles | Sponsor | Feb 13, 2026 | In committee | Government Operations and Politics(model) | Hearing 3/17 at 1:00 p.m. Mar 9, 2026 |
| SB 764 | Education - Minimum Wage for Education Support Professionals - Report on Estimated Cost | Sponsor | Feb 6, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Labor and Employment(model) | Hearing 4/01 at 1:00 p.m. (Ways and Means) Mar 23, 2026 |
Online
A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Zucker’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Zucker’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Zucker posts with a vision model.
Websites
- 1
pages crawled
1changes in 90 days
- 7
pages crawled
4changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
Images Zucker posted
No images from Zucker’s posts have been described.
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
State floor speeches
No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.
Floor speeches
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Zucker is most unusual among Maryland Senate, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- 00b4a416-e9ca-44ad-b808-58c19d6fb54a
- Open States
- ocd-person/00b4a416-e9ca-44ad-b808-58c19d6fb54a
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
- Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
- Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab