Serving since 2023. No measure in the AK 2025–26 session stands far from the peer average.
Time in the current office, from the official record.
At a glance
3 measures against State House Republicans. McCabe reported $46.3K in the 2020 cycle, in the top quarter of State House Republicans (median $1,350). McCabe sits at +0.28 on the CSIP scale, more liberal than 62% of State House Republicans. 15% of the 20 bills McCabe sponsored got out of committee, in the bottom half of the Alaska House.
The measures on which McCabe sits furthest from the middle of State House Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Itemized, 2020
State House Republicans’ median $1,350 · ranks 3rd of 10
CSIP ideology
More liberal than 62% of State House Republicans · ± 0.10
Out of committee
Alaska House average 22% · ranks 22nd of 34
Statements
Bills sponsored
and 37 cosponsored
In office since
Peer group: State House Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is McCabe, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which McCabe is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What McCabe says
No statements for the AK 2025–26 session.No classified statements (posts, press releases, newsletters, floor speeches) in this time window.
Policy
No policy statements for the AK 2025–26 session.No classified statements (posts, press releases, newsletters, floor speeches) in this time window.
Ideology
McCabe sits at +0.28 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more liberal than 62% of State House Republicans. Approximate range +0.18 to +0.38, which understates the uncertainty; from 149 donors and no roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +0.18 to +0.38. From 149 donors and no roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is McCabe, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of McCabe’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where McCabe sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of McCabe |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Republicans | 2917 | +0.4 | 38% |
| Alaska House | 38 | −0.1 | 71% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 66% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is McCabe in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of McCabe.
Money
McCabe reported $46.3K in the 2020 cycle, 34.3 times the State House Republicans’ median of $1,350. State filings report no small-donation total. 93% of itemized individual money came from Alaska.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2020 cycle
From 159 itemized donors. State House Republicans’ median $1,350.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2020 cycle.
- Individuals (itemized)90 squares$41.9K
- PACs and other committees7 squares$3,150
- Party committees3 squares$1,300
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $41.9K | 90.4% |
| PACs and other committees | $3,150 | 6.8% |
| Party committees | $1,300 | 2.8% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Receipts by cycle
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2020. The grey line is the State House Republicans’ median for 2020.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $46.3K |
Top donor states, 2020
Itemized contributions by donor state. 93% came from Alaska.
- Alaska$39.0K
- Louisiana$500
- Minnesota$500
- Florida$400
- Texas$350
Small donations
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Alaska | $39.0K |
| Minnesota | $500 |
| Louisiana | $500 |
| Florida | $400 |
| Texas | $350 |
| Massachusetts | $300 |
| Virginia | $200 |
| Tennessee | $200 |
| South Dakota | $115 |
| New York | $100 |
| Indiana | $100 |
| California | $100 |
| Alabama | $50 |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from Alaska
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Alaska. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2020 cycle.
- RETIRED$13.7K 75 donors
- PILOT$9,822 18 donors
- ATLAS AIR$5,450 3 donors
- OWNER$2,410 13 donors
- SELF EMPLOYED$440 3 donors
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2020 cycle.
- ALASKA REALTORS POLITICAL ACTION$1,000
- MATSU REPUBLICAN WOMEN'S CLUB$1,000
- CAPITAL CITY REPUBLICAN$500
- POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE ASSOCIATED GENERAL CONTRACTORS$500
- IFAPAC NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF INSURANCE AND FINANCIAL ADVISORS - ALASKA$400
Top employers
Itemized, 2020 cycle.
- ATLAS AIR$9,572 16 donors
- PILOT$5,550 4 donors
- OWNER$1,390 7 donors
- STATE OF ALASKA$525 3 donors
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
No roll-call votes for the AK 2025–26 session.No roll-call votes are recorded for this official in this time window.
Legislation
McCabe sponsored 20 bills in the AK 2025–26 session; 2 became law. Cosponsored 37 others. 15% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Alaska House average 22%; 22nd of 34).
The bills McCabe sponsored and cosponsored in the AK 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the AK 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 20 | 20 | 3 | 3 | 2 |
| Cosponsored | 37 | 37 | 16 | 13 | 7 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills McCabe sponsored, ochre blocks bills McCabe cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Alaska House average 22%. Ranks 22nd of 34.
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with McCabe, by number of shared bills in the AK 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
- Frank Tomaszewski19
- Jamie Allard16
- Sarah Vance16
- Jubilee Underwood14
- Mia Costello13
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of McCabe’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| HB 370 | An Act relating to employment security contributions for certain sports officials. | Cosponsor | Feb 23, 2026 | In committee | Labor and Employment(model) | (H) COSPONSOR(S): MCCABE Mar 27, 2026 |
| HB 322 | An Act establishing the office of the public whistleblower advocate; relating to whistleblower protections; establishing the public whistleblower award fund; and relating to the jurisdiction of the superior court over whistleblower actions. | Sponsor | Feb 23, 2026 | In committee | Government Operations and Politics(model) | (H) REFERRED TO JUDICIARY Feb 23, 2026 |
| HB 336 | An Act relating to use of campaign funds; and providing for an effective date. | Sponsor | Feb 23, 2026 | In committee | Government Operations and Politics(model) | (H) REFERRED TO STATE AFFAIRS Feb 23, 2026 |
| HJR 38 | Urging the United States Congress to recognize public safety telecommunicators as first responders; and urging the United States Congress to pass the Enhancing First Response Act. | Cosponsor | Feb 23, 2026 | Passed both chambers | Emergency Management(model) | (H) PERMANENTLY FILED 9/22 LEGIS RESOLVE 29 Sep 30, 2026 |
| HB 343 | An Act relating to earning secondary school course credit through assessment; and relating to a child's right to attend a public school. | Cosponsor | Feb 23, 2026 | In committee | Education(model) | (H) <Bill Hearing Canceled> May 5, 2026 |
Online
A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. McCabe’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls McCabe’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images McCabe posts with a vision model.
Websites
- 1
pages crawled
1changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
Images McCabe posted
No images from McCabe’s posts have been described.
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
State floor speeches
151 turns, Jan 27, 2025 to Jul 16, 2026
Floor speeches
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which McCabe is most unusual among State House Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. That is the case for McCabe in this window. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- 0160c6d2-4090-4143-8e23-f8501501bdd0
- Open States
- ocd-person/0160c6d2-4090-4143-8e23-f8501501bdd0
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
- Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
- Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab