Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 23, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Taxation · Source
0.72
agreement between talk and bills (0 to 1), in the top 5% of State House Republicans
Agreement 0.72 on a 0–1 scale; the average for State House Republicans is 0.53. Ranks 16th of 504, where 1st is the closest match.
How closely the mix of policy areas in Thomas’s statements matches the mix in the bills Thomas sponsors and cosponsors: 1 means the same areas in the same proportions, 0 means no overlap. Ranked among State House Republicans.
At a glance
6 measures against State House Republicans. 56% of Thomas’s statements discuss policy, 1.8 times the State House Republican average of 32%. 29% of Thomas’s statements claim credit, 2.3 times the State House Republican average of 13%.
The measures on which Thomas sits furthest from the middle of State House Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Talk-to-bills agreement
0.72
State House Republicans average 0.53 · ranks 16th of 504
Policy discussion
56%
State House Republicans average 32% · ranks 66th of 791
Credit claiming
29%
State House Republicans average 13% · ranks 71st of 791
Out of committee
38%
Ohio House average 58% · ranks 85th of 98
Bipartisanship
3.2%
State House Republicans average 1.8% · ranks 153rd of 791
CSIP ideology
+0.29
Right of 0, the centre of the scale · ± 0.04
Peer group: State House Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Thomas, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Thomas is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Thomas says
Thomas attacks opponents personally less than 62% of State House Republicans. Personal attacks in 0.1% of 1,945 statements, against 2.9% for the average State House Republican; 492nd of 791.
An AI model reads each of Thomas’s 1,945 statements in the OH 2025–26 session (1,945 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Republicans and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the OH 2025–26 session
0%80%
Thomas
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion1,095 statements
56%
32%
66th of 791
Credit claiming566 statements
29%
13%
71st of 791
Policy criticism260 statements
13%
9%
194th of 791
Bipartisanship63 statements
3%
2%
153rd of 791
Personal attacks1 statements
0%
3%
492nd of 791
Show the data
| Row | Thomas | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 56% | 32% |
| Credit claiming | 29% | 13% |
| Policy criticism | 13% | 9% |
| Bipartisanship | 3% | 2% |
| Personal attacks | 0% | 3% |
1,945
statements classified
1,945 posts on X.
Show the data
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 1,945 |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is Thomas; the thin grey bar is the average State House Republicans. A longer thick bar means Thomas does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Thomas used extreme labels in 0.3% of statements, 18% of the peer average. 5 statements, most often aimed at bigger government; peers 1.4%.
- “communist”1
- “extreme”1
- “fascist”1
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
- bigger government1
- GOP1
- government funding1
- left1
- previous President1
What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the OH 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 79 | 0.0% | 1.3% | 30.4% | 2.5% | 22.8% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’25 | 83 | 0.0% | 12.0% | 53.0% | 2.4% | 26.5% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’25 | 108 | 0.0% | 16.7% | 63.9% | 0.9% | 26.9% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’25 | 106 | 0.9% | 23.6% | 63.2% | 4.7% | 25.5% | 0.9% |
| May ’25 | 107 | 0.0% | 13.1% | 57.0% | 5.6% | 32.7% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’25 | 95 | 0.0% | 29.5% | 71.6% | 5.3% | 30.5% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’25 | 83 | 0.0% | 27.7% | 53.0% | 1.2% | 16.9% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’25 | 90 | 0.0% | 13.3% | 41.1% | 1.1% | 18.9% | 1.1% |
| Sep ’25 | 61 | 0.0% | 18.0% | 57.4% | 6.6% | 31.1% | 1.6% |
| Oct ’25 | 89 | 0.0% | 22.5% | 73.0% | 9.0% | 50.6% | 0.0% |
| Nov ’25 | 98 | 0.0% | 12.2% | 51.0% | 6.1% | 34.7% | 0.0% |
| Dec ’25 | 81 | 0.0% | 1.2% | 58.0% | 2.5% | 37.0% | 0.0% |
| Jan ’26 | 74 | 0.0% | 14.9% | 63.5% | 1.4% | 40.5% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’26 | 57 | 0.0% | 14.0% | 61.4% | 3.5% | 47.4% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’26 | 85 | 0.0% | 15.3% | 58.8% | 4.7% | 37.6% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’26 | 82 | 0.0% | 7.3% | 58.5% | 2.4% | 30.5% | 1.2% |
| May ’26 | 92 | 0.0% | 13.0% | 69.6% | 4.3% | 31.5% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’26 | 99 | 0.0% | 17.2% | 61.6% | 4.0% | 36.4% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’26 | 96 | 0.0% | 6.3% | 49.0% | 2.1% | 21.9% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’26 | 104 | 0.0% | 1.9% | 37.5% | 0.0% | 9.6% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’26 | 97 | 0.0% | 7.2% | 45.4% | 0.0% | 21.6% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’26 | 79 | 0.0% | 3.8% | 62.0% | 1.3% | 20.3% | 1.3% |
How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the OH 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%.
In Thomas’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Apr 14, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; target: Anna Staver · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 13, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Taxation; Economics and Public Finance; extreme label “extreme” aimed at government funding, bigger government · Source
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Anna StaverSource
All 1,945 statements
Newest first, the OH 2025–26 session
The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 1,945 posts on X.
Policy
Taxation is what Thomas talks about most: 47% of policy statements, 5.8 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.72 on a 0–1 scale (State House Republicans average 0.53; 16th of 504).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Thomas talks about. The bills Thomas sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What Thomas talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the OH 2025–26 session
0%52%
Thomas
Peers
Taxation518 statements
47%
8%
Government Operations and Politics181 statements
17%
18%
Economics and Public Finance180 statements
16%
12%
Education148 statements
14%
15%
Energy98 statements
9%
4%
Show the data
| Row | Thomas | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Taxation | 47% | 8% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 17% | 18% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 16% | 12% |
| Education | 14% | 15% |
| Energy | 9% | 4% |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of Thomas’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 52%. Grey ticks are the State House Republicans averages.
Show the data
| Area | Talks about | State House Republicans, talks about | Legislates on | State House Republicans, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Taxation | 47% | 8% | 30% | 11% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 17% | 18% | 12% | 12% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 16% | 12% | 2% | 2% |
| Education | 14% | 15% | 7% | 9% |
| Energy | 9% | 4% | 7% | 3% |
0.72
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State House Republicans average 0.53. Ranks 16th of 504.
What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Thomas legislates on exactly the areas Thomas talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Thomas sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology
Thomas sits at +0.29 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more liberal than 61% of State House Republicans. Approximate range +0.25 to +0.33, which understates the uncertainty; from 317 donors and 102 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
+0.29
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +0.25 to +0.33. From 317 donors and 102 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Thomas, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Thomas’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Thomas sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
State House Republicans2,917 · median +0.4
Ohio House99 · median +0.3
All State House5,324 · median +0.1
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Thomas |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Republicans | 2917 | +0.4 | 39% |
| Ohio House | 99 | +0.3 | 46% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 66% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Thomas in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Thomas.
Money
Thomas reported $121.1K in the 2026 cycle, 3.6 times the State House Republicans’ median of $33.7K. State filings report no small-donation total. 100% of itemized individual money came from Ohio.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
$121.1K
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 202 itemized donors. State House Republicans’ median $33.7K.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
- Individuals (itemized)46 squares$55.2K
- PACs and other committees54 squares$65.9K
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $55.2K | 45.6% |
| PACs and other committees | $65.9K | 54.4% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Receipts by cycle
Itemized contributions, 2024 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Republicans’ median for 2026.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2024 cycle | $100.9K |
| 2026 cycle | $121.1K |
Top donor states, 2026
Itemized contributions by donor state. 100% came from Ohio.
- Ohio$55.1K
- Texas$100
- Pennsylvania$50
Small donations
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Ohio | $55.1K |
| Texas | $100 |
| Pennsylvania | $50 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Florida | No data |
202
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
100%
from Ohio
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Ohio. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- RETIRED$16.9K 84 donors
- HOMEMAKER$1,288 3 donors
- CHW ADVISORS LLC/ASSOCIATE$999 3 donors
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
- POLITICAL EDUCATION PATTERNS POLITICAL ARM OF THE IUOE$8,000
- REALTORS POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE$6,850
- IBEW PAC VOLUNTARY FUND$3,500
- NISOURCE INC. PAC$3,000
- OHIO CORN & WHEAT GROWERS ASSOCIATION PAC$2,500
Top employers
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
Thomas voted with the majority of Ohio House Republicans on 100% of party-line votes and missed none of 313 roll calls. Ohio House on average: 93.3% party unity, 100% attendance. Across all roll calls, Thomas never voted against the majority of Ohio House Republicans.
313 roll calls Thomas could vote on in the OH 2025–26 session, compared with Ohio House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Thomas voted with the majority of Ohio House Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
0
votes against the majority of Ohio House Republicans
Party unity 100%, Ohio House average 93.3%, ranks 23rd of 98. 313 roll calls in the OH 2025–26 session.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Thomas, the thin grey bar the Ohio House average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
80%100%
Thomas
Peers
Rank
Attendance
100%
100%
50th of 98
Party unity
100%
93.3%
23rd of 98
Show the data
| Row | Thomas | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 100% | 100% |
| Party unity | 100% | 93.3% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the OH 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Oct 1, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 15–16 · R 63–0Democrats 15 yea, 16 nay; Republicans 63 yea, 0 nay | became law · party crossover | |
| Jun 11, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 20–11 · R 62–1Democrats 20 yea, 11 nay; Republicans 62 yea, 1 nay | became law · party crossover | |
| Jun 11, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 1–29 · R 55–6Democrats 1 yea, 29 nay; Republicans 55 yea, 6 nay | much discussed | |
| Jun 11, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 25–8 · R 63–2Democrats 25 yea, 8 nay; Republicans 63 yea, 2 nay | became law · party crossover | |
| Jun 11, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 33–0 · R 62–3Democrats 33 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 62 yea, 3 nay | became law |
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Thomas most often
- Ty MathewsR310 shared votes100%
- Adam BirdR312 shared votes100%
- Jim HoopsR309 shared votes100%
- Matt HuffmanR313 shared votes100%
- Ty MooreR212 shared votes100%
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Thomas least often
- Tristan RaderD270 shared votes75%
- Juanita BrentD252 shared votes76%
- Munira AbdullahiD277 shared votes77%
- Desireè TimsD274 shared votes78%
- Darnell BrewerD282 shared votes79%
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
OH 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Legislation
Thomas sponsored 63 bills in the OH 2025–26 session; 7 became law. Cosponsored 125 others. 38% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Ohio House average 58%; 85th of 98).
The bills Thomas sponsored and cosponsored in the OH 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the OH 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 63 | 60 | 23 | 8 | 7 |
| Cosponsored | 125 | 125 | 72 | 34 | 29 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Thomas sponsored, ochre blocks bills Thomas cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
38%
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Ohio House average 58%. Ranks 85th of 98.
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Thomas, by number of shared bills in the OH 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
- Josh Williams41
- Tex Fischer36
- Jennifer Gross33
- Sean Brennan32
- Thomas Hall30
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Thomas’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| HB 1022 | Modify the rules governing property tax refunds | Sponsor | Oct 1, 2026 | Introduced | Taxation(model) | Introduced Oct 1, 2026 |
| HB 1014 | Require bill credits, reimbursements after certain power outages | Sponsor | Sep 23, 2026 | Introduced | Energy(model) | Introduced Sep 23, 2026 |
| HR 533 | Honoring Nick Strimbu, Inc. on its Centennial. | Sponsor | Sep 2, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Adopted Sep 2, 2026 |
| HB 994 | Enact the Joining-Opportunities Business and Schools (JOBS) Act | Sponsor | Aug 27, 2026 | Introduced | Education(model) | Introduced Aug 27, 2026 |
| HR 517 | Honoring the Kinsman Volunteer Fire Department on its Centennial. | Sponsor | Aug 6, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Adopted Aug 6, 2026 |
Online
A site that changed 3 times in 90 days. Thomas’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Thomas’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Thomas posts with a vision model.
Websites
- 1
pages crawled
3changes in 90 days
- 17
pages crawled
37changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
Images Thomas posted
No images from Thomas’s posts have been described.
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
State floor speeches
19 turns, Feb 26, 2025 to Jun 10, 2026
Floor speeches
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Thomas is most unusual among State House Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- 170299dd-f2e4-463e-8b8b-ea3b75946120
- Open States
- ocd-person/170299dd-f2e4-463e-8b8b-ea3b75946120
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
- Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
- Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab