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Republican · New Hampshire Senate, district 11

Serving since Dec 7, 2022NH 2025–26 session

Portrait of Tim McGough, rendered as a two-tone print
Official portrait
63%
of sponsored bills got out of committee, in the bottom quarter of the New Hampshire Senate

63% of 19 sponsored bills got out of committee; the average for the New Hampshire Senate is 79%. Ranks 22nd of 24, where 1st is the highest share.

The share of bills McGough sponsored that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, ranked within the New Hampshire Senate. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position as well as effort.

At a glance

6 measures against State Senate Republicans. McGough voted against the majority of New Hampshire Senate Republicans 6 times; party unity 97.1%, in the bottom quarter of the New Hampshire Senate (average 98.4%). McGough sits at +0.16 on the CSIP scale, more liberal than 78% of State Senate Republicans.

The measures on which McGough sits furthest from the middle of State Senate Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.

Out of committee

63%

New Hampshire Senate average 79% · ranks 22nd of 24

Party unity

97.1%

New Hampshire Senate average 98.4% · ranks 20th of 24 · 6 votes against the majority of New Hampshire Senate Republicans

CSIP ideology

+0.16

More liberal than 78% of State Senate Republicans · ± 0.04

From New Hampshire, 2026

85%

Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 655th of 860 State Senate Republicans

Attendance

100%

New Hampshire Senate average 98.4% · ranks 8th of 24 · 208 roll calls

Talk-to-bills agreement

0.51

State Senate Republicans average 0.52 · ranks 131st of 226

Peer group: State Senate Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is McGough, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which McGough is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).

Back to topNext: What politicians say

What McGough says

McGough criticizes policies less than 65% of State Senate Republicans. Policy criticism in 3.4% of 177 statements, against 9.5% for the average State Senate Republican; 232nd of 354.

An AI model reads each of McGough’s 177 statements in the NH 2025–26 session (177 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Republicans and ranked among them.

Kinds of statement

Share of statements carrying each label, the NH 2025–26 session

0%80%
McGough
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion55 statements
31%
37%
222nd of 354
Credit claiming36 statements
20%
15%
110th of 354
Bipartisanship8 statements
5%
2%
56th of 354
Policy criticism6 statements
3%
9%
232nd of 354
Personal attacks5 statements
3%
2%
103rd of 354
Show the data
McGough's share of statements in each category against the State Senate Republicans average.
RowMcGoughPeers
Policy discussion31%37%
Credit claiming20%15%
Bipartisanship5%2%
Policy criticism3%9%
Personal attacks3%2%
177

statements classified

177 posts on X.

posts on X: 177 (100.0%)posts on X 177
Show the data
McGough's statements by source
PartValue
posts on X177
How to read the bars

The thick bar is McGough; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Republicans. A longer thick bar means McGough does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.

Extreme labels

McGough used no extreme labels in 177 statements. The peer average is 1.3%.

No extreme labels in this window.

Who gets the labels

Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements

No targets recorded.

What an extreme label is

Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.

Month by month

Share of statements per month, the NH 2025–26 session

Statements2025-01: 72025-02: 52025-03: 42025-04: 152025-05: 152025-06: 142025-07: 42025-08: 142025-09: 122025-10: 132025-11: 72025-12: 32026-01: 12026-02: 92026-03: 242026-04: 102026-05: 32026-06: 72026-07: 82026-08: 12026-09: 02026-10: 1peak 24 · Mar ’26Personal attackspeak 30.0% · Apr ’26 · latest 30.0%Personal attacks, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-04: 0.0% of 15Personal attacks, 2025-05: 0.0% of 15Personal attacks, 2025-06: 0.0% of 14Personal attacks, 2025-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-08: 0.0% of 14Personal attacks, 2025-09: 0.0% of 12Personal attacks, 2025-10: 0.0% of 13Personal attacks, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-03: 0.0% of 24Personal attacks, 2026-04: 30.0% of 10Personal attacks, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticismpeak 16.7% · Mar ’26 · latest 0.0%Policy criticism, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-04: 0.0% of 15Policy criticism, 2025-05: 0.0% of 15Policy criticism, 2025-06: 0.0% of 14Policy criticism, 2025-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-08: 0.0% of 14Policy criticism, 2025-09: 0.0% of 12Policy criticism, 2025-10: 0.0% of 13Policy criticism, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-03: 16.7% of 24Policy criticism, 2026-04: 0.0% of 10Policy criticism, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussionpeak 78.6% · Aug ’25 · latest 20.0%Policy discussion, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-04: 6.7% of 15Policy discussion, 2025-05: 40.0% of 15Policy discussion, 2025-06: 14.3% of 14Policy discussion, 2025-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-08: 78.6% of 14Policy discussion, 2025-09: 50.0% of 12Policy discussion, 2025-10: 15.4% of 13Policy discussion, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-03: 33.3% of 24Policy discussion, 2026-04: 20.0% of 10Policy discussion, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanshippeak 14.3% · Aug ’25 · latest 0.0%Bipartisanship, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-04: 0.0% of 15Bipartisanship, 2025-05: 6.7% of 15Bipartisanship, 2025-06: 7.1% of 14Bipartisanship, 2025-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-08: 14.3% of 14Bipartisanship, 2025-09: 0.0% of 12Bipartisanship, 2025-10: 0.0% of 13Bipartisanship, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-03: 0.0% of 24Bipartisanship, 2026-04: 0.0% of 10Bipartisanship, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claimingpeak 64.3% · Aug ’25 · latest 0.0%Credit claiming, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-04: 6.7% of 15Credit claiming, 2025-05: 20.0% of 15Credit claiming, 2025-06: 21.4% of 14Credit claiming, 2025-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-08: 64.3% of 14Credit claiming, 2025-09: 41.7% of 12Credit claiming, 2025-10: 15.4% of 13Credit claiming, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-03: 8.3% of 24Credit claiming, 2026-04: 0.0% of 10Credit claiming, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labelspeak 0.0% · Apr ’25 · latest 0.0%Extreme labels, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-04: 0.0% of 15Extreme labels, 2025-05: 0.0% of 15Extreme labels, 2025-06: 0.0% of 14Extreme labels, 2025-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-08: 0.0% of 14Extreme labels, 2025-09: 0.0% of 12Extreme labels, 2025-10: 0.0% of 13Extreme labels, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-03: 0.0% of 24Extreme labels, 2026-04: 0.0% of 10Extreme labels, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Jan ’25Jul ’25Jan ’26Jul ’26Oct ’26
Show the data
Monthly rates for McGough, each row shaded against its own peak, with statement volume. Months with fewer than 10 statements are left blank.
ColumnStatementsPersonal attacksPolicy criticismPolicy discussionBipartisanshipCredit claimingExtreme labels
Jan ’257— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Feb ’255— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Mar ’254— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Apr ’25150.0%0.0%6.7%0.0%6.7%0.0%
May ’25150.0%0.0%40.0%6.7%20.0%0.0%
Jun ’25140.0%0.0%14.3%7.1%21.4%0.0%
Jul ’254— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Aug ’25140.0%0.0%78.6%14.3%64.3%0.0%
Sep ’25120.0%0.0%50.0%0.0%41.7%0.0%
Oct ’25130.0%0.0%15.4%0.0%15.4%0.0%
Nov ’257— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Dec ’253— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jan ’261— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Feb ’269— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Mar ’26240.0%16.7%33.3%0.0%8.3%0.0%
Apr ’261030.0%0.0%20.0%0.0%0.0%0.0%
May ’263— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jun ’267— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jul ’268— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Aug ’261— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Sep ’260— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Oct ’261— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
How to read the strips

Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the NH 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 14 months are hatched here; 1 of them have no statements.

In McGough’s words

Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned

Credit claiming

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Jul 5, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Law · Source

Bipartisanship

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

May 16, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; bipartisanship; Health · Source

Policy criticism

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Jun 15, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Taxation · Source

Examples by category

Up to five recent statements in each category

Category

Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.

  1. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · target: attorneySource

  2. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · policy discussion · Taxation · target: DemocratsSource

  3. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · target: journalistsSource

  4. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · target: SummerSource

  5. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · target: agency directorSource

All 177 statements

Newest first, the NH 2025–26 session

The full feed

Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 177 posts on X.

Back to topNext: Policy

Policy

Health is what McGough talks about most: 33% of policy statements, 3.6 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.51 on a 0–1 scale (State Senate Republicans average 0.52; 131st of 226).

Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what McGough talks about. The bills McGough sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.

What McGough talks about

Share of policy statements by area, the NH 2025–26 session

0%36%
McGough
Peers
Health18 statements
33%
9%
Taxation10 statements
18%
7%
Economics and Public Finance6 statements
11%
12%
Armed Forces and National Security5 statements
9%
6%
Science, Technology, Communications5 statements
9%
3%
Show the data
Policy areas McGough talks about, as a share of policy statements, against the State Senate Republicans average.
RowMcGoughPeers
Health33%9%
Taxation18%7%
Economics and Public Finance11%12%
Armed Forces and National Security9%6%
Science, Technology, Communications9%3%
How to read the bars

The thick bar is the share of McGough’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

Talks about · legislates on

Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 36%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Republicans averages.

Talks aboutLegislates onHealthHealth, talks about: 33% (State Senate Republicans 9%)33%Health, legislates on: 25% (State Senate Republicans 11%)25%TaxationTaxation, talks about: 18% (State Senate Republicans 7%)18%Taxation, legislates on: 3% (State Senate Republicans 10%)3%Economics and Public FinanceEconomics and Public Finance, talks about: 11% (State Senate Republicans 12%)11%Economics and Public Finance, legislates on: 0% (State Senate Republicans 3%)0%Armed Forces and NationalSecurityArmed Forces and National Security, talks about: 9% (State Senate Republicans 6%)9%Armed Forces and National Security, legislates on: 6% (State Senate Republicans 2%)6%Science, Technology,CommunicationsScience, Technology, Communications, talks about: 9% (State Senate Republicans 3%)9%Science, Technology, Communications, legislates on: 0% (State Senate Republicans 1%)0%
Show the data
McGough's share of statements against share of bills in each policy area.
AreaTalks aboutState Senate Republicans, talks aboutLegislates onState Senate Republicans, legislates on
Health33%9%25%11%
Taxation18%7%3%10%
Economics and Public Finance11%12%0%3%
Armed Forces and National Security9%6%6%2%
Science, Technology, Communications9%3%0%1%
0.51

talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1

State Senate Republicans average 0.52. Ranks 131st of 226.

What agreement means, and what it doesn’t

Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means McGough legislates on exactly the areas McGough talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills McGough sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.

Back to topNext: Ideology

Ideology

McGough sits at +0.16 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more liberal than 78% of State Senate Republicans. Approximate range +0.12 to +0.20, which understates the uncertainty; from 32 donors and 487 roll calls.

CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.

+0.16

CSIP ideal point

Approximate range +0.12 to +0.20. From 32 donors and 487 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.

← More liberalMore conservative →0McGough +0.2State Senate Republicans +0.4New Hampshire Senate +0.2All State Senate +0.1

The outlined dot is McGough, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of McGough’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.

What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.

Where McGough sits

Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale

−2.0−1.00.0+1.0+2.0← More liberalMore conservative →State Senate Republicansmedian +0.4McGough +0.2New Hampshire Senatemedian +0.2All State Senatemedian +0.1
Show the data
McGough's CSIP score of +0.16 placed against State Senate Republicans, New Hampshire Senate, All State Senate.
GroupOfficialsMedianShare left of McGough
State Senate Republicans1083+0.422%
New Hampshire Senate24+0.250%
All State Senate1909+0.155%
How to read the strips

Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is McGough in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of McGough.

Back to topNext: Money

Money

McGough reported $59.5K in the 2026 cycle, above the State Senate Republicans’ median of $46.2K. State filings report no small-donation total. 85% of itemized individual money came from New Hampshire.

Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.

Election cycle
$59.5K

itemized in the 2026 cycle

From 31 itemized donors. State Senate Republicans’ median $46.2K.

Where the money came from

Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.

Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)Individuals (itemized): $32.0K (53.8%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)PACs and other committees: $24.8K (41.6%)Party committees: $2,750 (4.6%)Party committees: $2,750 (4.6%)Party committees: $2,750 (4.6%)Party committees: $2,750 (4.6%)Party committees: $2,750 (4.6%)
  • Individuals (itemized)54 squares$32.0K
  • PACs and other committees41 squares$24.8K
  • Party committees5 squares$2,750
Show the data
Sources of McGough's money, 2026 cycle, one square per percent
SourceAmountShare
Individuals (itemized)$32.0K53.8%
PACs and other committees$24.8K41.6%
Party committees$2,7504.6%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.

Receipts by cycle

Itemized contributions, 2022 to 2026. The grey line is the State Senate Republicans’ median for 2026.

2022 cycle: $27.2K$27.2K20222024 cycle: $67.1K$67.1K20242026 cycle: $59.5K$59.5K2026State Senate Republicans median $46.2K
Show the data
McGough's receipts by cycle against the 2026 State Senate Republicans median.
ItemValue
2022 cycle$27.2K
2024 cycle$67.1K
2026 cycle$59.5K

Top donor states, 2026

Itemized contributions by donor state. 85% came from New Hampshire.

  1. New Hampshire$27.1K
  2. Pennsylvania$2,000
  3. California$1,500
  4. Florida$500
  5. Virginia$480

Small donations

State filings report no total for small gifts.

Not reported in state filings.

Where itemized donors live

Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state

Alaska: no dataAKMaine: no dataMEVermont: no dataVTNew Hampshire: $27.1KNHWashington: no dataWAIdaho: no dataIDMontana: no dataMTNorth Dakota: no dataNDMinnesota: no dataMNIllinois: no dataILWisconsin: no dataWIMichigan: no dataMINew York: no dataNYRhode Island: no dataRIMassachusetts: $480MAOregon: no dataORNevada: no dataNVWyoming: no dataWYSouth Dakota: no dataSDIowa: no dataIAIndiana: no dataINOhio: no dataOHPennsylvania: $2,000PANew Jersey: no dataNJConnecticut: no dataCTCalifornia: $1,500CAUtah: no dataUTColorado: no dataCONebraska: no dataNEMissouri: no dataMOKentucky: no dataKYWest Virginia: no dataWVVirginia: $480VAMaryland: no dataMDDelaware: no dataDEArizona: no dataAZNew Mexico: no dataNMKansas: no dataKSArkansas: no dataARTennessee: no dataTNNorth Carolina: no dataNCSouth Carolina: no dataSCDistrict of Columbia: no dataDCOklahoma: no dataOKLouisiana: no dataLAMississippi: no dataMSAlabama: no dataALGeorgia: no dataGAHawaii: no dataHITexas: no dataTXFlorida: $500FL
Show the data
McGough's itemized individual contributions by donor state, 2026 cycle
StateValue
New Hampshire$27.1K
Pennsylvania$2,000
California$1,500
Florida$500
Massachusetts$480
Virginia$480
AlaskaNo data
MaineNo data
VermontNo data
WashingtonNo data
IdahoNo data
MontanaNo data
North DakotaNo data
MinnesotaNo data
IllinoisNo data
WisconsinNo data
MichiganNo data
New YorkNo data
Rhode IslandNo data
OregonNo data
NevadaNo data
WyomingNo data
South DakotaNo data
IowaNo data
IndianaNo data
OhioNo data
New JerseyNo data
ConnecticutNo data
UtahNo data
ColoradoNo data
NebraskaNo data
MissouriNo data
KentuckyNo data
West VirginiaNo data
MarylandNo data
DelawareNo data
ArizonaNo data
New MexicoNo data
KansasNo data
ArkansasNo data
TennesseeNo data
North CarolinaNo data
South CarolinaNo data
District of ColumbiaNo data
OklahomaNo data
LouisianaNo data
MississippiNo data
AlabamaNo data
GeorgiaNo data
HawaiiNo data
TexasNo data
31

itemized donors

People who gave more than $200

85%

from New Hampshire

Of itemized individual dollars

How to read the map

Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is New Hampshire. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.

Top donor occupations

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

No occupations reported.

Top committees

PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.

  1. LIBERTY & PROSPERITY FOR NEW HAMPSHIRE PAC$10.0K
  2. HCA NEW HAMPSHIRE FUND$3,000
  3. NH REALTORS PAC$2,500
  4. HILLSBOROUGH COUNTY REPUBLICAN COMMITTEE$2,000
  5. PROFESSIONAL FIREFIGHTERS OF NEW HAMPSHIRE NH PAC$1,750

Top employers

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

No employers reported.

Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.

Back to topNext: Votes

Votes

McGough voted with the majority of New Hampshire Senate Republicans on 97.1% of party-line votes and missed none of 208 roll calls. New Hampshire Senate on average: 98.4% party unity, 98.4% attendance. Across all roll calls, McGough voted against the majority of New Hampshire Senate Republicans 6 times.

208 roll calls McGough could vote on in the NH 2025–26 session, compared with New Hampshire Senate. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where McGough voted with the majority of New Hampshire Senate Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.

6

votes against the majority of New Hampshire Senate Republicans

Party unity 97.1%, New Hampshire Senate average 98.4%, ranks 20th of 24. 208 roll calls in the NH 2025–26 session.

Attendance and party unity

The thick bar is McGough, the thin grey bar the New Hampshire Senate average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.

80%100%
McGough
Peers
Rank
Attendance
100%
98.4%
8th of 24
Party unity
97.1%
98.4%
20th of 24
Show the data
McGough's attendance and party unity against New Hampshire Senate.
RowMcGoughPeers
Attendance100%98.4%
Party unity97.1%98.4%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.

Key votes

25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the NH 2025–26 session

Key votes
Party split (yea–nay)Why it’s key
Aug 19, 2026
HB 1766
relative to cruelty to livestock.
VETO MESSAGE - Roll Call Required
YeaWith majorityfailD 0–8 · R 11–5Democrats 0 yea, 8 nay; Republicans 11 yea, 5 nayclose vote · party crossover
Aug 19, 2026
SB 535
defining residential breeder and imported animal for the purposes of animal transfers and removing references to commercial kennels.
VETO MESSAGE - Roll Call Required
NayWith majorityfailD 0–8 · R 5–11Democrats 0 yea, 8 nay; Republicans 5 yea, 11 nayparty crossover
Aug 19, 2026
SB 475
relative to pet vendor foster homes, defining pet vendor foster facility, and relative to cruelty to livestock.
VETO MESSAGE - Roll Call Required
Yea—failD 0–8 · R 8–8Democrats 0 yea, 8 nay; Republicans 8 yea, 8 nayparty crossover
Aug 19, 2026
HB 1422
relative to the time to petition for a new trial.
VETO MESSAGE - Roll Call Required
YeaWith majoritypassD 8–0 · R 10–6Democrats 8 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 10 yea, 6 nayparty crossover
Aug 19, 2026
SB 468
relative to enabling alternative treatment centers to operate a greenhouse cultivation location.
VETO MESSAGE - Roll Call Required
Yea—passD 8–0 · R 8–8Democrats 8 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 8 yea, 8 nayparty crossover
How key votes are chosen

Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.

Votes most often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as McGough most often

  1. Dan InnisR203 shared votes98%
  2. James GrayR208 shared votes97%
  3. Howard PearlR208 shared votes96%
  4. Tim LangR208 shared votes96%
  5. Ruth WardR208 shared votes96%

Votes least often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as McGough least often

  1. Debra AltschillerD208 shared votes15%
  2. Cindy RosenwaldD208 shared votes16%
  3. Pat LongD208 shared votes16%
  4. Sue PrentissD207 shared votes16%
  5. Donovan FentonD207 shared votes16%
How to read the agreement lists

The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.

Full voting record

NH 2025–26 session, loads in batches

Back to topNext: Legislation

Legislation

McGough sponsored 19 bills in the NH 2025–26 session; 8 became law. Cosponsored 155 others. 63% of sponsored bills got out of committee (New Hampshire Senate average 79%; 22nd of 24).

The bills McGough sponsored and cosponsored in the NH 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.

Bills by stage

Counts for the NH 2025–26 session

Sponsored19 billsSponsored, Introduced: 1919Sponsored, In committee: 1919Sponsored, Passed one chamber: 1212Sponsored, Passed both chambers: 99Sponsored, Became law: 88Cosponsored155 billsCosponsored, Introduced: 155155Cosponsored, In committee: 155155Cosponsored, Passed one chamber: 121121Cosponsored, Passed both chambers: 7878Cosponsored, Became law: 5858IntroducedIncommitteePassed onechamberPassed bothchambersBecamelaw
Show the data
Bills McGough sponsored and cosponsored, by furthest stage reached
RoleIntroducedIn committeePassed one chamberPassed both chambersBecame law
Sponsored19191298
Cosponsored1551551217858
How to read the blocks

Ink blocks are bills McGough sponsored, ochre blocks bills McGough cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.

63%

of sponsored bills got out of committee

New Hampshire Senate average 79%. Ranks 22nd of 24.

Cosponsorship partners

Colleagues who most often cosponsor with McGough, by number of shared bills in the NH 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.

  1. Howard Pearl103
  2. Dan Innis94
  3. Bill Gannon85
  4. Keith Murphy78
  5. Tim Lang70
What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of McGough’s bills; the toggle shows more.

Bill list

Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest

Bills sponsored and cosponsored
SB 670establishing a developmental services oversight commission; relative to reporting requirements regarding the death of a child in residential care; and relative to the registry of founded reports of abuse, neglect, or exploitation of vulnerable adults.CosponsorFeb 5, 2026Became lawHealth(model)III. Remainder Effective 08/31/2026 Jul 9, 2026
SB 663creating a Medicaid methodology working group within the department of health and human services.CosponsorFeb 4, 2026Became lawHealth(model)Signed by the Governor on 07/02/2026; Chapter 276; Effective 07/02/2026 Jul 9, 2026
SB 655relative to employee leasing companies, workers' compensation coverage options, and a minimum wage exemption for minor league baseball players.CosponsorFeb 4, 2026Became lawLabor and Employment(model)Signed by the Governor on 06/12/2026; Chapter 146; Effective 08/11/2026 Jun 22, 2026
SB 668authorizing a historic marker on a highway for the purpose of acknowledging the abuse of former residents of the youth development center.CosponsorFeb 4, 2026In committeeUnassignedInexpedient to Legislate, MA, VV === BILL KILLED ===; 03/12/2026; SJ 6 Mar 12, 2026
SB 659relative to education financing.CosponsorFeb 4, 2026In committeeEducation(model)Pending Motion Ought to Pass; 03/26/2026; SJ 7 Mar 26, 2026

Back to topNext: Online

Online

A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. McGough’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.

The lab crawls McGough’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images McGough posts with a vision model.

Websites

How to read the counts

“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.

Images McGough posted

No images from McGough’s posts have been described.

About the descriptions

Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

State floor speeches

No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.

Floor speeches

Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.

Back to topNext: Methods and sources

Methods and sources

How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.

The headline

The headline is the measure on which McGough is most unusual among State Senate Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.

The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.

A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).

Identifiers

Profile id
18d80f49-9f78-441e-bf28-1ed0929b5fd3
Open States
ocd-person/18d80f49-9f78-441e-bf28-1ed0929b5fd3

Bulk files with the same data for every official:

Freshness of this profile’s data

  • What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
  • Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
  • Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
  • Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
  • Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
  • WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
  • State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.

How the measures work

What politicians say
Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
Extreme labels
A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
Policy areas and agreement
Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology (CSIP)
Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
Campaign money
Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
Votes and key votes
Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
Peers and ranks
Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.

America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab

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