Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 22, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Agriculture and Food · Source

3.9% of 206 statements discuss policy (8 statements); the average for State Senate Democrats is 43%. Ranks 320th of 329, where 1st is the highest rate.
An AI model reads each of Wimberly’s posts on X and marks whether it discusses a specific policy. The rate is the share of statements marked; it is compared with the average among State Senate Democrats and ranked against the same group.
6 measures against State Senate Democrats. 0% of Wimberly’s statements criticize a policy, in the bottom tenth of State Senate Democrats (average 10%). 1.9% of Wimberly’s statements claim credit, in the bottom tenth of State Senate Democrats (average 16%).
The measures on which Wimberly sits furthest from the middle of State Senate Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Policy discussion
State Senate Democrats average 43% · ranks 320th of 329
Policy criticism
State Senate Democrats average 10% · ranks 304th of 329
Credit claiming
State Senate Democrats average 16% · ranks 302nd of 329
Bipartisanship
State Senate Democrats average 3.4% · ranks 294th of 329
Itemized, 2026
State Senate Democrats’ median $55.5K · ranks 170th of 746
CSIP ideology
Left of 0, the centre of the scale · ± 0.06
Peer group: State Senate Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Wimberly, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Wimberly is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Wimberly criticizes policies less than 91% of State Senate Democrats. Policy criticism in 0% of 206 statements, against 10% for the average State Senate Democrat; 304th of 329.
An AI model reads each of Wimberly’s 206 statements in the NJ 2026–27 session (206 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Democrats and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the NJ 2026–27 session
| Row | Wimberly | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 4% | 43% |
| Credit claiming | 2% | 16% |
| Personal attacks | 0% | 2% |
| Policy criticism | 0% | 10% |
| Bipartisanship | 0% | 3% |
statements classified
206 posts on X.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 206 |
The thick bar is Wimberly; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Democrats. A longer thick bar means Wimberly does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Wimberly used no extreme labels in 206 statements. The peer average is 0.8%.
No extreme labels in this window.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
No targets recorded.
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the NJ 2026–27 session
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’26 | 27 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 3.7% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’26 | 48 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 2.1% | 0.0% | 2.1% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’26 | 15 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’26 | 17 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 5.9% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| May ’26 | 16 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 6.3% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’26 | 23 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’26 | 17 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 5.9% | 0.0% | 5.9% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’26 | 14 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’26 | 16 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’26 | 13 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 23.1% | 0.0% | 15.4% | 0.0% |
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the NJ 2026–27 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 22, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Agriculture and Food · Source
Policy discussion
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 24, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Government Operations and Politics · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
No statements in this category in this window.
Newest first, the NJ 2026–27 session
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 206 posts on X.
Education is what Wimberly talks about most: 38% of policy statements, 2.6 times the peer share. Peers give it 15%. Agreement with legislation needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Wimberly talks about. The bills Wimberly sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
Share of policy statements by area, the NJ 2026–27 session
| Row | Wimberly | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Education | 38% | 15% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 38% | 14% |
| Agriculture and Food | 13% | 5% |
| Families | 13% | 5% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 0% | 3% |
The thick bar is the share of Wimberly’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 41%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Democrats averages.
| Area | Talks about | State Senate Democrats, talks about | Legislates on | State Senate Democrats, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Education | 38% | 15% | 7% | 9% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 38% | 14% | 6% | 8% |
| Agriculture and Food | 13% | 5% | 2% | 3% |
| Families | 13% | 5% | 3% | 3% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 0% | 3% | 0% | 1% |
No agreement score.Needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills in the window.
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Wimberly legislates on exactly the areas Wimberly talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Wimberly sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Wimberly sits at −0.73 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more liberal than 63% of State Senate Democrats. Approximate range −0.79 to −0.67, which understates the uncertainty; from 305 donors and 430 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −0.79 to −0.67. From 305 donors and 430 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Wimberly, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Wimberly’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Wimberly |
|---|---|---|---|
| State Senate Democrats | 825 | −0.7 | 37% |
| New Jersey Senate | 40 | −0.5 | 13% |
| All State Senate | 1909 | +0.1 | 16% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Wimberly in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Wimberly.
Wimberly reported $172.4K in the 2026 cycle, 3.1 times the State Senate Democrats’ median of $55.5K. State filings report no small-donation total. 88% of itemized individual money came from New Jersey.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 96 itemized donors. State Senate Democrats’ median $55.5K.
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $82.3K | 47.7% |
| PACs and other committees | $88.7K | 51.4% |
| Party committees | $1,410 | 0.8% |
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State Senate Democrats’ median for 2026.
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $94.5K |
| 2022 cycle | $117.7K |
| 2024 cycle | $294.8K |
| 2026 cycle | $172.4K |
Itemized contributions by donor state. 88% came from New Jersey.
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| New Jersey | $72.7K |
| California | $2,000 |
| Georgia | $1,701 |
| Maryland | $1,525 |
| Pennsylvania | $1,032 |
| Virginia | $1,000 |
| Massachusetts | $500 |
| Missouri | $500 |
| District of Columbia | $400 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
| Florida | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from New Jersey
Of itemized individual dollars
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is New Jersey. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
No roll-call votes for the NJ 2026–27 session.No roll-call votes are recorded for this official in this time window.
Wimberly sponsored 199 bills in the NJ 2026–27 session; none became law. Cosponsored 85 others. 5.0% of sponsored bills got out of committee (New Jersey Senate average 6.3%; 22nd of 40).
The bills Wimberly sponsored and cosponsored in the NJ 2026–27 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the NJ 2026–27 session
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 199 | 198 | 10 | 9 | 0 |
| Cosponsored | 85 | 85 | 27 | 10 | 0 |
Ink blocks are bills Wimberly sponsored, ochre blocks bills Wimberly cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
New Jersey Senate average 6.3%. Ranks 22nd of 40.
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Wimberly, by number of shared bills in the NJ 2026–27 session; the square shows their party.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Wimberly’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| S 4839 | Authorizes creation of Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity, Inc. license plates. | Sponsor | Oct 19, 2026 | In committee | Transportation and Public Works(model) | Introduced in the Senate, Referred to Senate Transportation Committee Oct 19, 2026 |
| S 4784 | Removes licensing restrictions for expansion of certain inpatient behavioral health units and establishes minimum reimbursement rate for inpatient behavioral health care services. | Sponsor | Oct 5, 2026 | In committee | Health(model) | Introduced in the Senate, Referred to Senate Health, Human Services and Senior Citizens Committee Oct 5, 2026 |
| S 4767 | Establishes pilot program in EDA to provide grants to eligible community investment projects receiving certain investment contributions; appropriates $30 million. | Sponsor | Oct 5, 2026 | In committee | Commerce(model) | Introduced in the Senate, Referred to Senate Economic Growth Committee Oct 5, 2026 |
| S 4764 | Establishes "Pre-Vetted Accessory Design Program" to facilitate development of accessory dwelling units. | Sponsor | Oct 5, 2026 | In committee | Housing and Community Development(model) | Introduced in the Senate, Referred to Senate Community and Urban Affairs Committee Oct 5, 2026 |
| S 4671 | Caps amount motor vehicle rental company may charge renter to refuel motor vehicle. | Sponsor | Oct 1, 2026 | In committee | Commerce(model) | Introduced in the Senate, Referred to Senate Commerce Committee Oct 1, 2026 |
A site that has not changed in 90 days. Wimberly’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Wimberly’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Wimberly posts with a vision model.
Official site
www.njleg.state.nj.us/legislative-roster/347/assemblyman-wimberlyLast crawled Oct 1, 2026
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
No images from Wimberly’s posts have been described.
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which Wimberly is most unusual among State Senate Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab