Bipartisanship
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jun 16, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; bipartisanship; Crime and Law Enforcement · Source

Attendance 80%; the average within the Nebraska Legislature (nonpartisan) is 95.5%. Ranks 49th of 49, where 1st has the highest attendance. 1,770 roll calls in the NE 2025–26 session.
Attendance is the share of the roll calls Hunt could vote on where a yea, nay or present was recorded, ranked within the Nebraska Legislature (nonpartisan). A missed vote has many causes, from illness to campaigning; the number says how often, not why.
4 measures against the Nebraska Legislature (nonpartisan). Hunt reported $2,700 in the 2026 cycle, in the bottom tenth of Nonpartisan state legislators (median $10.9K). 21% of the 28 bills Hunt sponsored got out of committee, in the bottom quarter of the Nebraska Legislature (nonpartisan).
The measures on which Hunt sits furthest from the middle of the Nebraska Legislature (nonpartisan), each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Attendance
Nebraska Legislature (nonpartisan) average 95.5% · ranks 49th of 49 · 1,770 roll calls
Itemized, 2026
Nonpartisan state legislators’ median $10.9K · ranks 42nd of 46
Out of committee
Nebraska Legislature (nonpartisan) average 37% · ranks 39th of 47
From Nebraska, 2026
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 13th of 40 Nonpartisan state legislators
CSIP ideology
Left of 0, the centre of the scale · ± 0.05
Statements
1,671 posts on X
Peer group: Nebraska Legislature (nonpartisan). Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Hunt, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Hunt is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Hunt claims credit less than any other Nonpartisan state legislator. Credit claiming in 1.8% of 1,671 statements, against 17% for the average Nonpartisan state legislator; 6th of 6.
An AI model reads each of Hunt’s 1,671 statements in the NE 2025–26 session (1,671 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for Nonpartisan state legislators and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the NE 2025–26 session
| Row | Hunt | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 18% | 41% |
| Policy criticism | 10% | 16% |
| Personal attacks | 6% | 1% |
| Credit claiming | 2% | 17% |
| Bipartisanship | 0% | 3% |
statements classified
1,671 posts on X.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 1,671 |
The thick bar is Hunt; the thin grey bar is the average Nonpartisan state legislators. A longer thick bar means Hunt does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Hunt used extreme labels in 1.2% of statements, 2.7 times the peer average. 20 statements, most often aimed at @bo austin; peers 0.4%.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the NE 2025–26 session
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 72 | 0.0% | 8.3% | 11.1% | 0.0% | 4.2% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’25 | 127 | 6.3% | 21.3% | 32.3% | 0.0% | 3.1% | 1.6% |
| Mar ’25 | 204 | 8.3% | 22.6% | 31.4% | 0.5% | 2.0% | 3.4% |
| Apr ’25 | 122 | 4.9% | 10.7% | 22.9% | 0.0% | 2.5% | 0.8% |
| May ’25 | 67 | 11.9% | 6.0% | 14.9% | 0.0% | 3.0% | 1.5% |
| Jun ’25 | 51 | 5.9% | 13.7% | 19.6% | 2.0% | 3.9% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’25 | 61 | 6.6% | 8.2% | 14.8% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 1.6% |
| Aug ’25 | 92 | 4.3% | 9.8% | 10.9% | 2.2% | 2.2% | 1.1% |
| Sep ’25 | 51 | 0.0% | 11.8% | 15.7% | 0.0% | 3.9% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’25 | 87 | 6.9% | 4.6% | 4.6% | 0.0% | 1.1% | 0.0% |
| Nov ’25 | 140 | 4.3% | 7.1% | 7.9% | 0.7% | 0.0% | 0.7% |
| Dec ’25 | 53 | 9.4% | 3.8% | 20.8% | 0.0% | 1.9% | 0.0% |
| Jan ’26 | 107 | 5.6% | 0.9% | 24.3% | 0.0% | 2.8% | 0.9% |
| Feb ’26 | 95 | 4.2% | 9.5% | 9.5% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’26 | 45 | 2.2% | 8.9% | 11.1% | 0.0% | 4.4% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’26 | 46 | 10.9% | 2.2% | 13.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| May ’26 | 31 | 12.9% | 6.5% | 6.5% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’26 | 72 | 6.9% | 12.5% | 15.3% | 2.8% | 1.4% | 6.9% |
| Jul ’26 | 90 | 6.7% | 5.6% | 18.9% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’26 | 28 | 10.7% | 0.0% | 17.9% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’26 | 11 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 18.2% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’26 | 19 | 0.0% | 10.5% | 26.3% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the NE 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Bipartisanship
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jun 16, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; bipartisanship; Crime and Law Enforcement · Source
Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jun 16, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; bipartisanship; credit claiming; Crime and Law Enforcement · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jun 26, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · extreme label “extreme” aimed at right wing · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Health · target: Brian ThompsonSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: DeiCivitasSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Ayesha SiddiqiSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority IssuesSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Randy FineSource
Newest first, the NE 2025–26 session
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 1,671 posts on X.
Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues is what Hunt talks about most: 21% of policy statements, above the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.56 on a 0–1 scale (Nonpartisan state legislators average 0.57; 3rd of 4).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Hunt talks about. The bills Hunt sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
Share of policy statements by area, the NE 2025–26 session
| Row | Hunt | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 21% | 13% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 18% | 15% |
| Immigration | 17% | 5% |
| Health | 16% | 36% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 15% | 16% |
The thick bar is the share of Hunt’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for Nonpartisan state legislators. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 39%. Grey ticks are the Nonpartisan state legislators averages.
| Area | Talks about | Nonpartisan state legislators, talks about | Legislates on | Nonpartisan state legislators, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 21% | 13% | 4% | 2% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 18% | 15% | 18% | 9% |
| Immigration | 17% | 5% | 0% | 1% |
| Health | 16% | 36% | 8% | 14% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 15% | 16% | 4% | 8% |
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
Nonpartisan state legislators average 0.57. Ranks 3rd of 4.
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Hunt legislates on exactly the areas Hunt talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Hunt sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Hunt sits at −0.86 on the CSIP scale, left of 0. Approximate range −0.91 to −0.81, which understates the uncertainty; from 66 donors and 882 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −0.91 to −0.81. From 66 donors and 882 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Hunt, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Hunt’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Hunt |
|---|---|---|---|
| Nonpartisan state legislators | 49 | +0.2 | 2% |
| Nebraska Legislature (nonpartisan) | 49 | +0.2 | 2% |
| All Unicameral legislature | 62 | 0.0 | 5% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Hunt in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Hunt.
Hunt reported $2,700 in the 2026 cycle, 25% of the Nonpartisan state legislators’ median of $10.9K. State filings report no small-donation total. 100% of itemized individual money came from Nebraska.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 4 itemized donors. Nonpartisan state legislators’ median $10.9K.
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $1,500 | 55.6% |
| PACs and other committees | $1,200 | 44.4% |
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the Nonpartisan state legislators’ median for 2026.
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $8,160 |
| 2022 cycle | $45.9K |
| 2024 cycle | $23.5K |
| 2026 cycle | $2,700 |
Itemized contributions by donor state. 100% came from Nebraska.
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Nebraska | $1,500 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
| Florida | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from Nebraska
Of itemized individual dollars
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Nebraska. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No occupations reported.
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Hunt missed 20% of 1,770 roll calls. Nebraska Legislature (nonpartisan) average attendance 95.5%.
1,770 roll calls Hunt could vote on in the NE 2025–26 session, compared with Nebraska Legislature (nonpartisan). Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Hunt voted with the majority of Nebraska Legislature (nonpartisan). The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
roll calls
No party, so no party-line measures. Attendance 80%, ranks 49th of 49.
The thick bar is Hunt, the thin grey bar the Nebraska Legislature (nonpartisan) average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
| Row | Hunt | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 80% | 95.5% |
| Party unity | — | — |
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the NE 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Apr 17, 2026 | LB 929 Provide for managed care organizations to pay the deductible, cost sharing, or similar charges on behalf of medicaid enrollees Fredrickson MO586 failed | Yea | — | fail | O 22–26Others 22 yea, 26 nay | close vote |
| Apr 17, 2026 | Yea | — | fail | O 23–22Others 23 yea, 22 nay | close vote | |
| Apr 10, 2026 | Yea | — | pass | O 49–0Others 49 yea, 0 nay | became law | |
| Apr 10, 2026 | Yea | — | pass | O 48–1Others 48 yea, 1 nay | became law | |
| Apr 10, 2026 | LB 955 Provide for practice agreements between pharmacists and physician assistants Passed on Final Reading 47-2*-0 | Nay | — | pass | O 47–2Others 47 yea, 2 nay | became law |
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
The colleagues who voted the same way as Hunt most often
The colleagues who voted the same way as Hunt least often
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
NE 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Hunt sponsored 28 bills in the NE 2025–26 session; 3 became law. Cosponsored 9 others. 21% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Nebraska Legislature (nonpartisan) average 37%; 39th of 47).
The bills Hunt sponsored and cosponsored in the NE 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the NE 2025–26 session
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 28 | 28 | 6 | 6 | 3 |
| Cosponsored | 9 | 9 | 2 | 2 | 2 |
Ink blocks are bills Hunt sponsored, ochre blocks bills Hunt cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Nebraska Legislature (nonpartisan) average 37%. Ranks 39th of 47.
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Hunt, by number of shared bills in the NE 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Hunt’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| LR 354 | Recognize March 2026 as Celebrate Theatre in Our Schools Month | Sponsor | Mar 3, 2026 | Passed both chambers | Unassigned | Adopted Mar 10, 2026 |
| LB 1224 | Prohibit children from transferring to an exempt school during certain child abuse or neglect investigations and prohibit persons convicted of certain crimes from monitoring or providing instruction at such schools | Sponsor | Jan 21, 2026 | In committee | Education(model) | Indefinitely postponed Apr 17, 2026 |
| LB 1223 | Change headlight requirements under the Nebraska Rules of the Road and prohibit the sale and distribution of certain motor vehicles under the Motor Vehicle Industry Regulation Act | Sponsor | Jan 21, 2026 | In committee | Transportation and Public Works(model) | Indefinitely postponed Apr 17, 2026 |
| LB 1148 | Provide for recognition and enforcement of parentage of children conceived by assisted reproduction | Sponsor | Jan 20, 2026 | In committee | Families(model) | Indefinitely postponed Apr 17, 2026 |
| LB 1149 | Require disclosure of proposed state agency contracts with private entities that have contracts with United States Immigration and Customs Enforcement | Sponsor | Jan 20, 2026 | In committee | Government Operations and Politics(model) | Indefinitely postponed Apr 17, 2026 |
A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Hunt’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Hunt’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Hunt posts with a vision model.
Official site
nebraskalegislature.gov/senators/landing-pages/index.php?District=8Last crawled Oct 1, 2026
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
No images from Hunt’s posts have been described.
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
2,810 turns, Jan 13, 2020 to Apr 17, 2026
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which Hunt is most unusual among Nebraska Legislature (nonpartisan), chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab