Policy discussion
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 21, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Agriculture and Food · Source
41%
of roll calls missed, attendance in the bottom 5% of the North Carolina Senate
Attendance 59%; the average within the North Carolina Senate is 87%. Ranks 47th of 48, where 1st has the highest attendance. 294 roll calls in the NC 2025–26 session.
Attendance is the share of the roll calls Barnes could vote on where a yea, nay or present was recorded, ranked within the North Carolina Senate. A missed vote has many causes, from illness to campaigning; the number says how often, not why.
At a glance
6 measures against State Senate Republicans. 100% of Barnes’s itemized money in the 2026 cycle came from North Carolina, in the top quarter of State Senate Republicans. The policy areas Barnes talks about and legislates on agree at 0.45 on a 0–1 scale, in the bottom quarter of State Senate Republicans.
The measures on which Barnes sits furthest from the middle of State Senate Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Attendance
59%
North Carolina Senate average 87% · ranks 47th of 48 · 294 roll calls
From North Carolina, 2026
100%
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 136th of 860 State Senate Republicans
Party unity
100%
North Carolina Senate average 93.2% · ranks 11th of 48 · 0 votes against the majority of North Carolina Senate Republicans
Talk-to-bills agreement
0.45
State Senate Republicans average 0.52 · ranks 172nd of 226
Itemized, 2026
$139.6K
State Senate Republicans’ median $46.2K · ranks 226th of 936
CSIP ideology
+0.40
More conservative than 57% of State Senate Republicans · ± 0.05
Peer group: State Senate Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Barnes, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Barnes is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Barnes says
Barnes attacks opponents personally less than 76% of State Senate Republicans. Personal attacks in 0% of 181 statements, against 2.3% for the average State Senate Republican; 272nd of 354.
An AI model reads each of Barnes’s 181 statements in the NC 2025–26 session (181 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Republicans and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the NC 2025–26 session
0%80%
Barnes
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion105 statements
58%
37%
53rd of 354
Credit claiming44 statements
24%
15%
72nd of 354
Bipartisanship4 statements
2%
2%
133rd of 354
Policy criticism1 statements
1%
9%
302nd of 354
Personal attacks0 statements
0%
2%
272nd of 354
Show the data
| Row | Barnes | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 58% | 37% |
| Credit claiming | 24% | 15% |
| Bipartisanship | 2% | 2% |
| Policy criticism | 1% | 9% |
| Personal attacks | 0% | 2% |
181
statements classified
181 posts on X.
Show the data
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 181 |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is Barnes; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Republicans. A longer thick bar means Barnes does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Barnes used no extreme labels in 181 statements. The peer average is 1.3%.
No extreme labels in this window.
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
No targets recorded.
What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the NC 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 7 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Feb ’25 | 13 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 61.5% | 15.4% | 30.8% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’25 | 17 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 76.5% | 0.0% | 47.1% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’25 | 15 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 80.0% | 0.0% | 46.7% | 0.0% |
| May ’25 | 14 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 57.1% | 0.0% | 35.7% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’25 | 5 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jul ’25 | 5 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’25 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’25 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Oct ’25 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Nov ’25 | 8 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Dec ’25 | 11 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 63.6% | 0.0% | 36.4% | 0.0% |
| Jan ’26 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Feb ’26 | 18 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 33.3% | 5.6% | 22.2% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’26 | 12 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 33.3% | 8.3% | 16.7% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’26 | 13 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 61.5% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| May ’26 | 14 | 0.0% | 7.1% | 50.0% | 0.0% | 21.4% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’26 | 8 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jul ’26 | 8 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’26 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Oct ’26 | 5 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the NC 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 13 months are hatched here; 3 of them have no statements.
In Barnes’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Aug 12, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Water Resources Development; Transportation and Public Works · Source
Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
May 6, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; credit claiming; Energy; Economics and Public Finance · Source
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
No statements in this category in this window.
All 181 statements
Newest first, the NC 2025–26 session
The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 181 posts on X.
Policy
Agriculture and Food is what Barnes talks about most: 28% of policy statements, 4.5 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.45 on a 0–1 scale (State Senate Republicans average 0.52; 172nd of 226).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Barnes talks about. The bills Barnes sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What Barnes talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the NC 2025–26 session
0%35%
Barnes
Peers
Agriculture and Food29 statements
28%
6%
Economics and Public Finance18 statements
17%
12%
Education17 statements
16%
14%
Commerce14 statements
13%
4%
Transportation and Public Works7 statements
7%
6%
Show the data
| Row | Barnes | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Agriculture and Food | 28% | 6% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 17% | 12% |
| Education | 16% | 14% |
| Commerce | 13% | 4% |
| Transportation and Public Works | 7% | 6% |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of Barnes’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Republicans averages.
Show the data
| Area | Talks about | State Senate Republicans, talks about | Legislates on | State Senate Republicans, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Agriculture and Food | 28% | 6% | 12% | 3% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 17% | 12% | 0% | 3% |
| Education | 16% | 14% | 5% | 10% |
| Commerce | 13% | 4% | 1% | 3% |
| Transportation and Public Works | 7% | 6% | 7% | 6% |
0.45
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State Senate Republicans average 0.52. Ranks 172nd of 226.
What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Barnes legislates on exactly the areas Barnes talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Barnes sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology
Barnes sits at +0.40 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more conservative than 57% of State Senate Republicans. Approximate range +0.36 to +0.45, which understates the uncertainty; from 477 donors and 391 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
+0.40
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +0.36 to +0.45. From 477 donors and 391 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Barnes, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Barnes’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Barnes sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
State Senate Republicans1,083 · median +0.4
North Carolina Senate50 · median +0.5
All State Senate1,909 · median +0.1
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Barnes |
|---|---|---|---|
| State Senate Republicans | 1083 | +0.4 | 57% |
| North Carolina Senate | 50 | +0.5 | 46% |
| All State Senate | 1909 | +0.1 | 75% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Barnes in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Barnes.
Money
Barnes reported $139.6K in the 2026 cycle, 3.0 times the State Senate Republicans’ median of $46.2K. State filings report no small-donation total. 100% of itemized individual money came from North Carolina.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
$139.6K
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 62 itemized donors. State Senate Republicans’ median $46.2K.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
- Individuals (itemized)64 squares$89.3K
- PACs and other committees36 squares$50.3K
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $89.3K | 64.0% |
| PACs and other committees | $50.3K | 36.0% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Receipts by cycle
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State Senate Republicans’ median for 2026.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $963.5K |
| 2022 cycle | $800.0K |
| 2024 cycle | $2.2M |
| 2026 cycle | $139.6K |
Top donor states, 2026
Itemized contributions by donor state. 100% came from North Carolina.
- North Carolina$89.3K
Small donations
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| North Carolina | $89.3K |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
| Florida | No data |
62
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
100%
from North Carolina
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is North Carolina. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- FARMER$11.5K 4 donors
- OWNER$10.8K 4 donors
- RETIRED$8,900 12 donors
- PRESIDENT$4,750 4 donors
- HOMEMAKER$4,600 5 donors
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
- NC ASSOC OF NURSE ANESTHETISTS PAC$10.2K
- REAP PAC$6,800
- NC REALTORS PAC$5,000
- NC FARM BUREAU PAC INC$3,500
- DUKE ENERGY CORPORATION PAC$3,000
Top employers
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
Barnes voted with the majority of North Carolina Senate Republicans on 100% of party-line votes and missed 41% of 294 roll calls. North Carolina Senate on average: 93.2% party unity, 87% attendance. Across all roll calls, Barnes never voted against the majority of North Carolina Senate Republicans.
294 roll calls Barnes could vote on in the NC 2025–26 session, compared with North Carolina Senate. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Barnes voted with the majority of North Carolina Senate Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
0
votes against the majority of North Carolina Senate Republicans
Party unity 100%, North Carolina Senate average 93.2%, ranks 11th of 48. 294 roll calls in the NC 2025–26 session.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Barnes, the thin grey bar the North Carolina Senate average. The scale runs from 50% to 100% to show the gap.
50%100%
Barnes
Peers
Rank
Attendance
59%
87%
47th of 48
Party unity
100%
93.2%
11th of 48
Show the data
| Row | Barnes | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 59% | 87% |
| Party unity | 100% | 93.2% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the NC 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Oct 7, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 15–0 · R 26–0Democrats 15 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 26 yea, 0 nay | became law | |
| Oct 7, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 15–0 · R 26–0Democrats 15 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 26 yea, 0 nay | became law | |
| Jul 29, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 8–3 · R 26–0Democrats 8 yea, 3 nay; Republicans 26 yea, 0 nay | became law · party crossover | |
| Jul 29, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 11–0 · R 26–0Democrats 11 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 26 yea, 0 nay | became law | |
| Jul 28, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 11–1 · R 28–0Democrats 11 yea, 1 nay; Republicans 28 yea, 0 nay | became law |
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Barnes most often
- Michael LeeR170 shared votes100%
- Benton SawreyR155 shared votes100%
- Jake JohnsonR113 shared votes100%
- Tim MoffittR145 shared votes100%
- Kevin CorbinR158 shared votes100%
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Barnes least often
- Val ApplewhiteD142 shared votes62%
- DeAndrea SalvadorD99 shared votes63%
- Natalie MurdockD148 shared votes63%
- Graig MeyerD101 shared votes64%
- Gladys RobinsonD145 shared votes65%
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
NC 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Legislation
Barnes sponsored 12 bills in the NC 2025–26 session; 2 became law. Cosponsored 28 others. 17% of sponsored bills got out of committee (North Carolina Senate average 20%; 23rd of 44).
The bills Barnes sponsored and cosponsored in the NC 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the NC 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 12 | 12 | 2 | 2 | 2 |
| Cosponsored | 28 | 28 | 18 | 10 | 9 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Barnes sponsored, ochre blocks bills Barnes cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
17%
of sponsored bills got out of committee
North Carolina Senate average 20%. Ranks 23rd of 44.
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Barnes, by number of shared bills in the NC 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
- Tim Moffitt23
- Norman Sanderson18
- Amy Galey17
- Bob Brinson16
- Warren Daniel16
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Barnes’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| SB 2 | Relief at the Pump. | Sponsor | Oct 7, 2026 | In committee | Taxation(model) | Filed Oct 7, 2026 |
| SB 1081 | Constitutional Right to Farm. | Sponsor | May 14, 2026 | In committee | Agriculture and Food(model) | Passed 1st Reading May 18, 2026 |
| SB 1080 | Lower Taxes for All NC. | Cosponsor | May 13, 2026 | Became law | Taxation(model) | Ratified May 21, 2026 |
| SB 1076 | Rocky Mount/Louisburg Utility Rev./Advisory. | Sponsor | May 5, 2026 | Became law | Energy(model) | Ratified Jul 2, 2026 |
| SB 1004 | Family Support for Those Who Serve Act. | Cosponsor | Apr 30, 2026 | In committee | Education(model) | Passed 1st Reading May 4, 2026 |
Online
A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Barnes’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Barnes’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Barnes posts with a vision model.
Websites
- 1
pages crawled
1changes in 90 days
- 0
pages crawled
0changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
Images Barnes posted
No images from Barnes’s posts have been described.
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
State floor speeches
No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.
Floor speeches
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Barnes is most unusual among State Senate Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- 21577fbd-e06f-4bc3-8717-e050ff165a74
- Open States
- ocd-person/21577fbd-e06f-4bc3-8717-e050ff165a74
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
- Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
- Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab