Policy discussion
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Feb 7, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Health · Source

7 posts on X in the MS 2025–26 session. No measure in the MS 2025–26 session stands far from the peer average.
Every post, press release, newsletter and floor speech the lab collected and ran through its classifier.
4 measures against the Mississippi House. McLean sits at +0.25 on the CSIP scale, more liberal than 68% of State House Republicans. 18% of the 50 bills McLean sponsored got out of committee, in the bottom half of the Mississippi House. McLean missed 2.6% of 1,511 roll calls, attendance in the bottom half of the Mississippi House (average 95.7%).
The measures on which McLean sits furthest from the middle of the Mississippi House, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
CSIP ideology
More liberal than 68% of State House Republicans · ± 0.06
Out of committee
Mississippi House average 29% · ranks 57th of 99
Attendance
Mississippi House average 95.7% · ranks 60th of 112 · 1,511 roll calls
Party unity
Mississippi House average 90.1% · ranks 52nd of 112 · 11 votes against the majority of Mississippi House Republicans
Statements
7 posts on X
Roll calls
Compared with Mississippi House
Peer group: Mississippi House. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is McLean, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which McLean is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
McLean criticizes policies less than 92% of State House Republicans. Policy criticism in 0% of 7 statements, against 9.3% for the average State House Republican; 736th of 792.
An AI model reads each of McLean’s 7 statements in the MS 2025–26 session (7 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Republicans and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the MS 2025–26 session
| Row | McLean | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 14% | 32% |
| Credit claiming | 14% | 13% |
| Personal attacks | 0% | 3% |
| Policy criticism | 0% | 9% |
| Bipartisanship | 0% | 2% |
statements classified
7 posts on X.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 7 |
The thick bar is McLean; the thin grey bar is the average State House Republicans. A longer thick bar means McLean does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
McLean used no extreme labels in 7 statements. The peer average is 1.4%.
No extreme labels in this window.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
No targets recorded.
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the MS 2025–26 session
No month in this window has 10 or more statements, too few to chart month by month.
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the MS 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 22 months are hatched here; 17 of them have no statements.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Policy discussion
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Feb 7, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Health · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
No statements in this category in this window.
Newest first, the MS 2025–26 session
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 7 posts on X.
Health is what McLean talks about most: 100% of policy statements, 9.7 times the peer share. Peers give it 10%. Agreement with legislation needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what McLean talks about. The bills McLean sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
Share of policy statements by area, the MS 2025–26 session
| Row | McLean | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Health | 100% | 10% |
| Agriculture and Food | 0% | 4% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 0% | 5% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 0% | 6% |
| Commerce | 0% | 4% |
The thick bar is the share of McLean’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 100%. Grey ticks are the State House Republicans averages.
| Area | Talks about | State House Republicans, talks about | Legislates on | State House Republicans, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Health | 100% | 10% | 24% | 10% |
| Agriculture and Food | 0% | 4% | 2% | 3% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 0% | 5% | 1% | 2% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 0% | 6% | 3% | 4% |
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 0% | 11% | 31% | 11% |
No agreement score.Needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills in the window.
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means McLean legislates on exactly the areas McLean talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills McLean sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
McLean sits at +0.25 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more liberal than 68% of State House Republicans. Approximate range +0.19 to +0.30, which understates the uncertainty; from 0 donors and 1,028 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +0.19 to +0.30. From 0 donors and 1,028 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is McLean, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of McLean’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of McLean |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Republicans | 2917 | +0.4 | 32% |
| Mississippi House | 117 | +0.2 | 49% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 62% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is McLean in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of McLean.
No campaign-finance data.No campaign-finance records are matched to this official.
McLean voted with the majority of Mississippi House Republicans on 97.1% of party-line votes and missed 2.6% of 1,511 roll calls. Mississippi House on average: 90.1% party unity, 95.7% attendance. Across all roll calls, McLean voted against the majority of Mississippi House Republicans 11 times.
1,511 roll calls McLean could vote on in the MS 2025–26 session, compared with Mississippi House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where McLean voted with the majority of Mississippi House Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
votes against the majority of Mississippi House Republicans
Party unity 97.1%, Mississippi House average 90.1%, ranks 52nd of 112. 1,511 roll calls in the MS 2025–26 session.
The thick bar is McLean, the thin grey bar the Mississippi House average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
| Row | McLean | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 97.4% | 95.7% |
| Party unity | 97.1% | 90.1% |
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the MS 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jul 16, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 3–25 · R 63–6 · I 2–0Democrats 3 yea, 25 nay; Republicans 63 yea, 6 nay; Independents 2 yea, 0 nay | became law · party crossover | |
| Apr 15, 2026 | HC 65 Suspend deadlines for the further consideration of HB 938; extend repealers on several youth court statutes. Passage | Yea | With majority | pass | D 19–8 · R 75–2 · I 1–0Democrats 19 yea, 8 nay; Republicans 75 yea, 2 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | party crossover |
| Apr 2, 2026 | HB 1761 Alcoholic beverages; extend repealers relating to festival wine permits. Adopt Conference Report | Yea | With majority | pass | D 35–2 · R 75–1 · I 2–0Democrats 35 yea, 2 nay; Republicans 75 yea, 1 nay; Independents 2 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| Apr 2, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 39–0 · R 76–0 · I 2–0Democrats 39 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 76 yea, 0 nay; Independents 2 yea, 0 nay | became law | |
| Apr 2, 2026 | SB 3410 City of Brandon and West Rankin Utility Authority; authorize to enter agreements w/data center for water & wastewater infrastructure. Passage | Yea | With majority | pass | D 36–0 · R 72–0 · I 2–0Democrats 36 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 72 yea, 0 nay; Independents 2 yea, 0 nay | became law |
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
The colleagues who voted the same way as McLean most often
The colleagues who voted the same way as McLean least often
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
MS 2025–26 session, loads in batches
McLean sponsored 50 bills in the MS 2025–26 session; 2 became law. Cosponsored 54 others. 18% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Mississippi House average 29%; 57th of 99).
The bills McLean sponsored and cosponsored in the MS 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the MS 2025–26 session
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 50 | 50 | 9 | 2 | 2 |
| Cosponsored | 54 | 54 | 27 | 13 | 9 |
Ink blocks are bills McLean sponsored, ochre blocks bills McLean cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Mississippi House average 29%. Ranks 57th of 99.
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with McLean, by number of shared bills in the MS 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of McLean’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| HB 4134 | Lowndes County; authorize to establish an Industrial Zone Emergency Response District. | Cosponsor | Mar 24, 2026 | Became law | Emergency Management(model) | Approved by Governor Apr 6, 2026 |
| HR 99 | Nora Roberts Miller; commend for service to the state as President of Mississippi University for Women. | Sponsor | Mar 11, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Enrolled Bill Signed Mar 12, 2026 |
| HB 420 | Homestead exemption; increase for honorably discharged veterans age 85 or older and unremarried surviving spouses of such persons. | Cosponsor | Feb 26, 2026 | Became law | Taxation(model) | Approved by Governor Mar 20, 2026 |
| HC 50 | Beth Israel Congregation; condemn arson attack upon. | Sponsor | Feb 25, 2026 | In committee | Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues(model) | Died In Committee Apr 15, 2026 |
| HR 76 | Beth Israel Congregation; condemn arson attack upon. | Sponsor | Feb 25, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Enrolled Bill Signed Mar 19, 2026 |
A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. McLean’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls McLean’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images McLean posts with a vision model.
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
No images from McLean’s posts have been described.
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which McLean is most unusual among Mississippi House, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. That is the case for McLean in this window. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab