Policy discussion
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Apr 25, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Government Operations and Politics · Source

CSIP score −0.38 (approximate range −0.48 to −0.28, which understates the uncertainty); negative is left of the scale’s centre, positive right. From 0 donors and 258 roll calls.
CSIP places every official on one left–right scale estimated from roll-call votes, campaign donations and the text of statements; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of moderate. The share says where Manuel sits among State House Democrats, not how far from the centre.
4 measures against the Texas House. Manuel missed 11% of 3,700 roll calls, attendance in the bottom quarter of the Texas House (average 93.1%). 61% of the 67 bills Manuel sponsored got out of committee, in the top quarter of the Texas House.
The measures on which Manuel sits furthest from the middle of the Texas House, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
CSIP ideology
More conservative than 84% of State House Democrats · ± 0.10
Attendance
Texas House average 93.1% · ranks 117th of 143 · 3,700 roll calls
Out of committee
Texas House average 49% · ranks 32nd of 145
Party unity
Texas House average 85% · ranks 91st of 143 · 163 votes against the majority of Texas House Democrats
Statements
78 posts on X
Roll calls
Compared with Texas House
Peer group: Texas House. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Manuel, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Manuel is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Manuel stresses bipartisanship less than 88% of State House Democrats. Bipartisanship in 0% of 78 statements, against 2.9% for the average State House Democrat; 676th of 764.
An AI model reads each of Manuel’s 78 statements in the TX 2025–26 session (78 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Democrats and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the TX 2025–26 session
| Row | Manuel | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 10% | 39% |
| Personal attacks | 3% | 3% |
| Credit claiming | 3% | 14% |
| Policy criticism | 1% | 10% |
| Bipartisanship | 0% | 3% |
statements classified
78 posts on X.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 78 |
The thick bar is Manuel; the thin grey bar is the average State House Democrats. A longer thick bar means Manuel does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Manuel used no extreme labels in 78 statements. The peer average is 1.0%.
No extreme labels in this window.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
No targets recorded.
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the TX 2025–26 session
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Feb ’25 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Mar ’25 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Apr ’25 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| May ’25 | 5 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jun ’25 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jul ’25 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’25 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’25 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Oct ’25 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Nov ’25 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Dec ’25 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jan ’26 | 14 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 42.9% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’26 | 24 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’26 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Apr ’26 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| May ’26 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jun ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jul ’26 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’26 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’26 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Oct ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the TX 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 20 months are hatched here; 5 of them have no statements.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Policy discussion
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Apr 25, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Government Operations and Politics · Source
Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
May 16, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · credit claiming · Source
Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
May 29, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Newest first, the TX 2025–26 session
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 78 posts on X.
Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues is what Manuel talks about most: 63% of policy statements, 6.4 times the peer share. Peers give it 9.8%. Agreement with legislation needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Manuel talks about. The bills Manuel sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
Share of policy statements by area, the TX 2025–26 session
| Row | Manuel | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 63% | 10% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 25% | 15% |
| Commerce | 13% | 3% |
| Science, Technology, Communications | 13% | 3% |
| Agriculture and Food | 0% | 5% |
The thick bar is the share of Manuel’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 69%. Grey ticks are the State House Democrats averages.
| Area | Talks about | State House Democrats, talks about | Legislates on | State House Democrats, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 63% | 10% | 0% | 4% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 25% | 15% | 9% | 8% |
| Commerce | 13% | 3% | 3% | 4% |
| Science, Technology, Communications | 13% | 3% | 0% | 1% |
| Agriculture and Food | 0% | 5% | 4% | 3% |
No agreement score.Needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills in the window.
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Manuel legislates on exactly the areas Manuel talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Manuel sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Manuel sits at −0.38 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more conservative than 84% of State House Democrats. Approximate range −0.48 to −0.28, which understates the uncertainty; from 0 donors and 258 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −0.48 to −0.28. From 0 donors and 258 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Manuel, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Manuel’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Manuel |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Democrats | 2392 | −0.6 | 84% |
| Texas House | 148 | +0.3 | 30% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 38% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Manuel in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Manuel.
No campaign-finance data.No campaign-finance records are matched to this official.
Manuel voted with the majority of Texas House Democrats on 86% of party-line votes and missed 11% of 3,700 roll calls. Texas House on average: 85% party unity, 93.1% attendance. Across all roll calls, Manuel voted against the majority of Texas House Democrats 163 times.
3,700 roll calls Manuel could vote on in the TX 2025–26 session, compared with Texas House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Manuel voted with the majority of Texas House Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
votes against the majority of Texas House Democrats
Party unity 86%, Texas House average 85%, ranks 91st of 143. 3,700 roll calls in the TX 2025–26 session.
The thick bar is Manuel, the thin grey bar the Texas House average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
| Row | Manuel | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 89% | 93.1% |
| Party unity | 86% | 85% |
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the TX 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sep 3, 2025 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 44–1 · R 46–37Democrats 44 yea, 1 nay; Republicans 46 yea, 37 nay | became law · party crossover · much discussed | |
| Sep 3, 2025 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 45–0 · R 76–8Democrats 45 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 76 yea, 8 nay | became law · much discussed | |
| Sep 3, 2025 | HB 8 Relating to public school accountability and transparency, including the implementation of an instructionally supportive assessment program and the adoption and administration of assessment instruments in public schools, indicators of achievement, public school performance ratings, and interventions passage | Nay | With majority | pass | D 1–40 · R 78–7Democrats 1 yea, 40 nay; Republicans 78 yea, 7 nay | became law · much discussed |
| Sep 3, 2025 | SB 5 Relating to making supplemental appropriations for disaster relief and preparedness and giving direction and adjustment authority regarding those appropriations. adopt the conference committee report on SB 5. | Yea | With majority | pass | D 43–0 · R 86–0Democrats 43 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 86 yea, 0 nay | became law · much discussed |
| Sep 3, 2025 | HB 8 Relating to public school accountability and transparency, including the implementation of an instructionally supportive assessment program and the adoption and administration of assessment instruments in public schools, indicators of achievement, public school performance ratings, and interventions passage | Yea | With majority | pass | D 45–1 · R 41–41Democrats 45 yea, 1 nay; Republicans 41 yea, 41 nay | became law · party crossover · much discussed |
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
The colleagues who voted the same way as Manuel most often
The colleagues who voted the same way as Manuel least often
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
TX 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Manuel sponsored 67 bills in the TX 2025–26 session; 16 became law. Cosponsored 52 others. 61% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Texas House average 49%; 32nd of 145).
The bills Manuel sponsored and cosponsored in the TX 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the TX 2025–26 session
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 67 | 67 | 41 | 16 | 16 |
| Cosponsored | 52 | 50 | 36 | 25 | 21 |
Ink blocks are bills Manuel sponsored, ochre blocks bills Manuel cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Texas House average 49%. Ranks 32nd of 145.
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Manuel, by number of shared bills in the TX 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Manuel’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| HB 308 | Relating to creating the criminal offense of trespass on or near school or day-care center property. | Cosponsor | Aug 28, 2025 | Introduced | Crime and Law Enforcement(model) | Filed Aug 28, 2025 |
| HCR 13 | Urging the federal government to take immediate action to curb the spread of the New World screwworm in Texas. | Cosponsor | Aug 22, 2025 | Became law | Agriculture and Food(model) | Signed by the Governor Sep 17, 2025 |
| HB 226 | Relating to the required provision to campers at youth camps of active radio frequency identification tags. | Cosponsor | Aug 18, 2025 | In committee | Emergency Management(model) | Referred to Public Health Aug 20, 2025 |
| HB 5 | Relating to making supplemental appropriations for disaster relief and giving direction and adjustment authority regarding those appropriations. | Cosponsor | Aug 16, 2025 | In committee | Emergency Management(model) | Laid on the table subject to call Aug 21, 2025 |
| HB 20 | Relating to measures to prevent and reduce fraudulent charitable solicitations and theft during declared disasters, including establishing a designation program for disaster relief nonprofit organizations and financial institutions; creating a criminal offense; increasing a criminal penalty. | Cosponsor | Aug 15, 2025 | Became law | Crime and Law Enforcement(model) | Effective on . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sep 17, 2025 |
A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Manuel’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Manuel’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Manuel posts with a vision model.
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
No images from Manuel’s posts have been described.
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which Manuel is most unusual among Texas House, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab