Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 17, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Taxation; Economics and Public Finance · Source
4.4×
the State Senate Republican rate of personal attacks
9.8% of 631 statements contain a personal attack (62 statements); the average for State Senate Republicans is 2.3%. Ranks 19th of 354, where 1st is the highest rate.
An AI model reads each of Smith’s posts on X and marks whether it attacks a person’s character, integrity or loyalty. The rate is the share of statements marked; it is compared with the average among State Senate Republicans and ranked against the same group.
At a glance
6 measures against State Senate Republicans. Smith voted against the majority of Oregon Senate Republicans 78 times; party unity 82%, in the bottom quarter of the Oregon Senate (average 93.3%). 100% of Smith’s itemized money in the 2026 cycle came from Oregon, in the top quarter of State Senate Republicans.
The measures on which Smith sits furthest from the middle of State Senate Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Personal attacks
9.8%
State Senate Republicans average 2.3% · ranks 19th of 354
Party unity
82%
Oregon Senate average 93.3% · ranks 26th of 30 · 78 votes against the majority of Oregon Senate Republicans
From Oregon, 2026
100%
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 136th of 860 State Senate Republicans
Out of committee
23%
Oregon Senate average 50% · ranks 26th of 30
CSIP ideology
+0.13
More liberal than 82% of State Senate Republicans · ± 0.02
Attendance
91.7%
Oregon Senate average 94.2% · ranks 24th of 30 · 1,231 roll calls
Peer group: State Senate Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Smith, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Smith is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Smith says
Smith attacks opponents personally more than 94% of State Senate Republicans. Personal attacks in 9.8% of 631 statements, against 2.3% for the average State Senate Republican; 19th of 354.
An AI model reads each of Smith’s 631 statements in the OR 2025–26 session (631 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Republicans and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the OR 2025–26 session
0%80%
Smith
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion268 statements
42%
37%
150th of 354
Policy criticism91 statements
14%
9%
87th of 354
Credit claiming72 statements
11%
15%
197th of 354
Personal attacks62 statements
10%
2%
19th of 354
Bipartisanship20 statements
3%
2%
91st of 354
Show the data
| Row | Smith | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 42% | 37% |
| Policy criticism | 14% | 9% |
| Credit claiming | 11% | 15% |
| Personal attacks | 10% | 2% |
| Bipartisanship | 3% | 2% |
631
statements classified
631 posts on X.
Show the data
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 631 |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is Smith; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Republicans. A longer thick bar means Smith does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Smith used extreme labels in 1.7% of statements, above the peer average. 11 statements, most often aimed at Democrats; peers 1.3%.
- “extreme”5
- “radical”3
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
- Democrats2
- Merkley2
- Ballot Initiative1
- Democrat Supermajority1
- left wing media1
What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the OR 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 9 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Feb ’25 | 10 | 0.0% | 30.0% | 50.0% | 0.0% | 10.0% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’25 | 11 | 9.1% | 27.3% | 27.3% | 9.1% | 27.3% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’25 | 7 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| May ’25 | 6 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jun ’25 | 11 | 0.0% | 27.3% | 36.4% | 27.3% | 27.3% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’25 | 10 | 0.0% | 20.0% | 60.0% | 0.0% | 10.0% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’25 | 30 | 0.0% | 40.0% | 46.7% | 13.3% | 13.3% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’25 | 21 | 0.0% | 23.8% | 42.9% | 0.0% | 9.5% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’25 | 13 | 15.4% | 7.7% | 15.4% | 15.4% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Nov ’25 | 14 | 0.0% | 7.1% | 21.4% | 0.0% | 21.4% | 0.0% |
| Dec ’25 | 25 | 4.0% | 12.0% | 40.0% | 0.0% | 20.0% | 0.0% |
| Jan ’26 | 55 | 20.0% | 14.5% | 69.1% | 0.0% | 9.1% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’26 | 38 | 2.6% | 26.3% | 34.2% | 2.6% | 7.9% | 2.6% |
| Mar ’26 | 48 | 6.3% | 8.3% | 12.5% | 6.3% | 14.6% | 4.2% |
| Apr ’26 | 32 | 3.1% | 3.1% | 31.3% | 0.0% | 12.5% | 3.1% |
| May ’26 | 56 | 1.8% | 5.4% | 30.4% | 1.8% | 23.2% | 1.8% |
| Jun ’26 | 38 | 5.3% | 10.5% | 21.1% | 0.0% | 2.6% | 5.3% |
| Jul ’26 | 38 | 7.9% | 7.9% | 44.7% | 2.6% | 2.6% | 5.3% |
| Aug ’26 | 41 | 29.3% | 7.3% | 65.8% | 2.4% | 9.8% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’26 | 61 | 26.2% | 11.5% | 65.6% | 1.6% | 6.6% | 3.3% |
| Oct ’26 | 57 | 14.0% | 14.0% | 47.4% | 0.0% | 7.0% | 0.0% |
How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the OR 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 3 months are hatched here.
In Smith’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 23, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; target: Bynum · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Sep 16, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; policy discussion; Energy; Economics and Public Finance; extreme label “extreme” aimed at Merkley; target: Merkley · Source
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: BynumSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Energy · Environmental Protection · target: Jeff MerkleySource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Energy · Environmental Protection · target: ? ??Source
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · credit claiming · Agriculture and Food · Armed Forces and National Security · Economics and Public Finance · Government Operations and PoliticsSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · credit claiming · Economics and Public Finance · Agriculture and Food · Armed Forces and National Security · target: Tina KotekSource
All 631 statements
Newest first, the OR 2025–26 session
The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 631 posts on X.
Policy
Government Operations and Politics is what Smith talks about most: 32% of policy statements, 1.9 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.58 on a 0–1 scale (State Senate Republicans average 0.52; 82nd of 226).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Smith talks about. The bills Smith sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What Smith talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the OR 2025–26 session
0%35%
Smith
Peers
Government Operations and Politics86 statements
32%
17%
Economics and Public Finance64 statements
24%
12%
Crime and Law Enforcement29 statements
11%
12%
Taxation29 statements
11%
7%
Labor and Employment22 statements
8%
3%
Show the data
| Row | Smith | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Government Operations and Politics | 32% | 17% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 24% | 12% |
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 11% | 12% |
| Taxation | 11% | 7% |
| Labor and Employment | 8% | 3% |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of Smith’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Republicans averages.
Show the data
| Area | Talks about | State Senate Republicans, talks about | Legislates on | State Senate Republicans, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Government Operations and Politics | 32% | 17% | 7% | 12% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 24% | 12% | 2% | 3% |
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 11% | 12% | 4% | 10% |
| Taxation | 11% | 7% | 8% | 10% |
| Labor and Employment | 8% | 3% | 5% | 3% |
0.58
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State Senate Republicans average 0.52. Ranks 82nd of 226.
What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Smith legislates on exactly the areas Smith talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Smith sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology
Smith sits at +0.13 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more liberal than 82% of State Senate Republicans. Approximate range +0.11 to +0.15, which understates the uncertainty; from 94 donors and 1,281 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
+0.13
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +0.11 to +0.15. From 94 donors and 1,281 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Smith, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Smith’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Smith sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
State Senate Republicans1,083 · median +0.4
Oregon Senate30 · median −0.8
All State Senate1,909 · median +0.1
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Smith |
|---|---|---|---|
| State Senate Republicans | 1083 | +0.4 | 18% |
| Oregon Senate | 30 | −0.8 | 77% |
| All State Senate | 1909 | +0.1 | 53% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Smith in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Smith.
Money
Smith reported $25.1K in the 2026 cycle, below the State Senate Republicans’ median of $46.2K. State filings report no small-donation total. 100% of itemized individual money came from Oregon.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
$25.1K
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 10 itemized donors. State Senate Republicans’ median $46.2K.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
- Individuals (itemized)14 squares$3,400
- PACs and other committees86 squares$21.7K
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $3,400 | 13.5% |
| PACs and other committees | $21.7K | 86.5% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Receipts by cycle
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State Senate Republicans’ median for 2026.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $105.1K |
| 2022 cycle | $103.2K |
| 2024 cycle | $265.5K |
| 2026 cycle | $25.1K |
Top donor states, 2026
Itemized contributions by donor state. 100% came from Oregon.
- Oregon$3,400
Small donations
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Oregon | $3,400 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
| Florida | No data |
10
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
100%
from Oregon
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Oregon. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- NOT EMPLOYED$2,350 6 donors
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
- OREGON REALTORS POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE$2,500
- PNW PHRMA PAC$2,500
- OREGON COUNCIL OF NECA CHAPTERS$2,000
- CREDIT UNION LEGISLATIVE ACTION FUND$1,500
- MN8 ENERGY LLC PAC$1,500
Top employers
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
Smith voted with the majority of Oregon Senate Republicans on 82% of party-line votes and missed 8.3% of 1,231 roll calls. Oregon Senate on average: 93.3% party unity, 94.2% attendance. Across all roll calls, Smith voted against the majority of Oregon Senate Republicans 78 times.
1,231 roll calls Smith could vote on in the OR 2025–26 session, compared with Oregon Senate. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Smith voted with the majority of Oregon Senate Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
78
votes against the majority of Oregon Senate Republicans
Party unity 82%, Oregon Senate average 93.3%, ranks 26th of 30. 1,231 roll calls in the OR 2025–26 session.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Smith, the thin grey bar the Oregon Senate average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
80%100%
Smith
Peers
Rank
Attendance
91.7%
94.2%
24th of 30
Party unity
82%
93.3%
26th of 30
Show the data
| Row | Smith | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 91.7% | 94.2% |
| Party unity | 82% | 93.3% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the OR 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Mar 6, 2026 | HB 4127 Relating to Medicaid payments to reproductive health care providers; and declaring an emergency. Third reading. Carried by Patterson. Passed. | Nay | With majority | pass | D 18–0 · R 0–11Democrats 18 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 0 yea, 11 nay | became law |
| Mar 6, 2026 | HB 4121 Relating to emergency management. Rules suspended. Third reading. Carried by Manning Jr. Passed. | Yea | With majority | pass | D 18–0 · R 8–2Democrats 18 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 8 yea, 2 nay | became law · party crossover |
| Mar 6, 2026 | HB 4040 Relating to health care; and declaring an emergency. Third reading. Carried by Patterson. Passed. | Yea | With majority | pass | D 18–0 · R 9–1Democrats 18 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 9 yea, 1 nay | became law · party crossover |
| Mar 6, 2026 | HB 4062 Relating to evaluating Business Oregon programs; and declaring an emergency. Third reading. Carried by Gorsek. Passed. | Yea | With majority | pass | D 18–0 · R 11–0Democrats 18 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 11 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| Mar 6, 2026 | HB 4007 Relating to transportation; and prescribing an effective date. Third reading. Carried by Pham. Passed. | Yea | With majority | pass | D 18–0 · R 10–0Democrats 18 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 10 yea, 0 nay | became law |
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Smith most often
- Suzanne WeberR875 shared votes92%
- Bruce StarrR759 shared votes91%
- Mike McLaneR910 shared votes90%
- Todd NashR861 shared votes89%
- Dick AndersonR890 shared votes88%
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Smith least often
- Courtney Neron MisslinD601 shared votes69%
- Noah RobinsonR915 shared votes70%
- Kathleen TaylorD862 shared votes74%
- Deb PattersonD889 shared votes74%
- Sara Gelser BlouinD894 shared votes74%
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
OR 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Legislation
Smith sponsored 255 bills in the OR 2025–26 session; 22 became law. Cosponsored 201 others. 23% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Oregon Senate average 50%; 26th of 30).
The bills Smith sponsored and cosponsored in the OR 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the OR 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 255 | 255 | 34 | 30 | 22 |
| Cosponsored | 201 | 201 | 96 | 87 | 69 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Smith sponsored, ochre blocks bills Smith cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
23%
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Oregon Senate average 50%. Ranks 26th of 30.
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Smith, by number of shared bills in the OR 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
- Court Boice81
- Bobby Levy80
- Boomer Wright66
- Suzanne Weber61
- Todd Nash60
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Smith’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| HB 4112 | Relating to outdoor school; declaring an emergency. | Cosponsor | Feb 2, 2026 | In committee | Education(model) | In committee upon adjournment. Mar 7, 2026 |
| HB 4097 | Relating to the Oregon Ocean Science Trust. | Sponsor | Feb 2, 2026 | Became law | Science, Technology, Communications(model) | Chapter 18, (2026 Laws): Effective date January 1, 2027. Mar 17, 2026 |
| HB 4132 | Relating to veterans; and prescribing an effective date. | Cosponsor | Feb 2, 2026 | Became law | Armed Forces and National Security(model) | Chapter 117, (2026 Laws): Effective date July 1, 2026. Apr 13, 2026 |
| HB 4151 | Relating to initiating a false report. | Cosponsor | Feb 2, 2026 | Became law | Crime and Law Enforcement(model) | Chapter 122, (2026 Laws): Effective date January 1, 2027. Apr 13, 2026 |
| SB 1566 | Relating to the prevailing rate of wage; prescribing an effective date. | Cosponsor | Feb 2, 2026 | In committee | Labor and Employment(model) | In committee upon adjournment. Mar 7, 2026 |
Online
A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Smith’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Sep 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Smith’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Smith posts with a vision model.
Websites
- 1
pages crawled
1changes in 90 days
- 0
pages crawled
0changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
Images Smith posted
No images from Smith’s posts have been described.
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
State floor speeches
No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.
Floor speeches
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Smith is most unusual among State Senate Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- 26a734f0-51f9-4959-a213-bc345c1050ec
- Open States
- ocd-person/26a734f0-51f9-4959-a213-bc345c1050ec
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
- Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
- Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab