99% of the itemized money from individuals in the 2026 cycle came from donors with an address in Massachusetts. Ranks 165th of 714, where 1st is the highest share. 394 itemized donors.
Only donors who give more than $200 are reported with an address, so this is the share of that itemized money from donors living in Massachusetts, ranked among State Senate Democrats. Small gifts are not counted either way. Candidates running statewide or for federal office often draw more money from out of state.
At a glance
4 measures against State Senate Democrats. Comerford sits at −0.73 on the CSIP scale, more liberal than 63% of State Senate Democrats. Comerford reported $90.3K in the 2026 cycle, in the top half of State Senate Democrats (median $55.5K).
The measures on which Comerford sits furthest from the middle of State Senate Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
From Massachusetts, 2026
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 165th of 714 State Senate Democrats
CSIP ideology
More liberal than 63% of State Senate Democrats · ± 0.05
Itemized, 2026
State Senate Democrats’ median $55.5K · ranks 282nd of 746
Out of committee
Massachusetts Senate average 2.0% · ranks 20th of 40
Statements
Bills sponsored
and 718 cosponsored
Peer group: State Senate Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Comerford, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Comerford is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Comerford says
No statements for the MA 2025–26 session.No classified statements (posts, press releases, newsletters, floor speeches) in this time window.
Policy
No policy statements for the MA 2025–26 session.No classified statements (posts, press releases, newsletters, floor speeches) in this time window.
Ideology
Comerford sits at −0.73 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more liberal than 63% of State Senate Democrats. Approximate range −0.78 to −0.68, which understates the uncertainty; from 1,001 donors and no roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −0.78 to −0.68. From 1,001 donors and no roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Comerford, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Comerford’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Comerford sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Comerford |
|---|---|---|---|
| State Senate Democrats | 825 | −0.7 | 37% |
| Massachusetts Senate | 39 | −0.7 | 36% |
| All State Senate | 1909 | +0.1 | 16% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Comerford in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Comerford.
Money
Comerford reported $90.3K in the 2026 cycle, above the State Senate Democrats’ median of $55.5K. State filings report no small-donation total. 99% of itemized individual money came from Massachusetts.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 394 itemized donors. State Senate Democrats’ median $55.5K.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
- Individuals (itemized)93 squares$83.8K
- PACs and other committees7 squares$6,450
- Party committees$50
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $83.8K | 92.8% |
| PACs and other committees | $6,450 | 7.1% |
| Party committees | $50 | 0.1% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Receipts by cycle
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State Senate Democrats’ median for 2026.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $86.7K |
| 2022 cycle | $70.9K |
| 2024 cycle | $101.3K |
| 2026 cycle | $90.3K |
Top donor states, 2026
Itemized contributions by donor state. 99% came from Massachusetts.
- Massachusetts$83.0K
- California$500
- Illinois$270
- Colorado$100
- Minnesota$50
Small donations
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Massachusetts | $83.0K |
| California | $500 |
| Illinois | $270 |
| Colorado | $100 |
| Minnesota | $50 |
| New York | $35 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
| Florida | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from Massachusetts
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Massachusetts. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- NOT EMPLOYED$26.3K 137 donors
- RETIRED$8,356 22 donors
- ATTORNEY$6,980 18 donors
- CONSULTANT$4,270 18 donors
- PRESIDENT$3,150 5 donors
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
- LOCAL 509 SERVICE EMPLOYEES INT'L UNION COMM ON POL ED, MA WORKERS' POL ACTION COMM.$1,000
- PIPEFITTERS LOCAL #537 POL ACTION COMM$1,000
- 1199 SEIU MA PAC$500
- BOSTON CARMEN'S UNION PAC$500
- INTERNATIONAL BROTHERHOOD OF ELECTRICAL WORKERS, LOCAL 103 POL ACTION COMM$500
Top employers
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- UNIVERSITY OF MASSACHUSETTS$2,355 7 donors
- SMITH COLLEGE$1,195 3 donors
- SERVICENET$1,150 4 donors
- UMASS AMHERST$713 5 donors
- THE KAROL GROUP, INC.$600 3 donors
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
No roll-call votes for the MA 2025–26 session.No roll-call votes are recorded for this official in this time window.
Legislation
Comerford sponsored 134 bills in the MA 2025–26 session; 1 became law. Cosponsored 718 others. 1.5% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Massachusetts Senate average 2.0%; 20th of 40).
The bills Comerford sponsored and cosponsored in the MA 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the MA 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 134 | 131 | 2 | 1 | 1 |
| Cosponsored | 718 | 710 | 26 | 17 | 11 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Comerford sponsored, ochre blocks bills Comerford cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Massachusetts Senate average 2.0%. Ranks 20th of 40.
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Comerford, by number of shared bills in the MA 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
- Jamie Eldridge411
- Sal DiDomenico233
- John Keenan211
- Pat Jehlen202
- Jason Lewis197
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Comerford’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| S 3283 | An Act authorizing the Montague Center Fire District and the Turners Falls Fire District to continue the membership of members John Annear, Lawrence William Peters Jr., David Rehorka, Richard Sawin and Sallie Sawin | Cosponsor | Oct 15, 2026 | In committee | Government Operations and Politics(model) | Bill reported favorably by committee and referred to the committee on Senate Rules Oct 15, 2026 |
| H 5658 | Amendment H.5658 | Cosponsor | Aug 20, 2026 | Introduced | Education(model) | Text of an amendment, see S3181 Aug 20, 2026 |
| S 3261 | An Act authorizing the city of Greenfield to grant an additional liquor license for the sale of all alcoholic beverages to be drunk on the premises | Cosponsor | Aug 13, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Commerce(model) | Read; and referred to the committee on House Steering, Policy and Scheduling Oct 21, 2026 |
| S 3239 | An Act establishing a special legislative commission to study and examine Family, Friend, and Neighbor-Provided Childcare in the Commonwealth | Cosponsor | Aug 10, 2026 | In committee | Families(model) | Discharged to the committee on Senate Ways and Means Aug 13, 2026 |
| S 3197 | An Act relative to medical chaperones and medical exams | Cosponsor | Aug 10, 2026 | In committee | Health(model) | Bill reported favorably by committee and referred to the committee on Health Care Financing Aug 10, 2026 |
Online
A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Comerford’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Comerford’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Comerford posts with a vision model.
Websites
- 1
pages crawled
1changes in 90 days
- 39
pages crawled
26changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
Images Comerford posted
No images from Comerford’s posts have been described.
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
State floor speeches
No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.
Floor speeches
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Comerford is most unusual among State Senate Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- 2998b05b-b83e-4a9b-9659-a609ddc63a34
- Open States
- ocd-person/2998b05b-b83e-4a9b-9659-a609ddc63a34
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
- Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
- Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab