Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Sep 13, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; policy discussion; International Affairs; target: Joe Sweeney · Source

12% of 201 statements contain a personal attack (24 statements); the average for State House Republicans is 2.9%. Ranks 40th of 791, where 1st is the highest rate.
An AI model reads each of Ulery’s posts on X and marks whether it attacks a person’s character, integrity or loyalty. The rate is the share of statements marked; it is compared with the average among State House Republicans and ranked against the same group.
6 measures against State House Republicans. 2.0% of Ulery’s statements claim credit, in the bottom quarter of State House Republicans (average 13%). Ulery sits at +0.13 on the CSIP scale, more liberal than 84% of State House Republicans.
The measures on which Ulery sits furthest from the middle of State House Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Personal attacks
State House Republicans average 2.9% · ranks 40th of 791
Credit claiming
State House Republicans average 13% · ranks 668th of 791
CSIP ideology
More liberal than 84% of State House Republicans · ± 0.02
Extreme labels
State House Republicans average 1.4% · ranks 243rd of 791
From New Hampshire, 2022
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 8th of 21 State House Republicans
Policy criticism
State House Republicans average 9.3% · ranks 305th of 791
Peer group: State House Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Ulery, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Ulery is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Ulery claims credit less than 84% of State House Republicans. Credit claiming in 2.0% of 201 statements, against 13% for the average State House Republican; 668th of 791.
An AI model reads each of Ulery’s 201 statements in the NH 2025–26 session (201 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Republicans and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the NH 2025–26 session
| Row | Ulery | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 27% | 32% |
| Personal attacks | 12% | 3% |
| Policy criticism | 9% | 9% |
| Credit claiming | 2% | 13% |
| Bipartisanship | 1% | 2% |
statements classified
201 posts on X.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 201 |
The thick bar is Ulery; the thin grey bar is the average State House Republicans. A longer thick bar means Ulery does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Ulery used extreme labels in 1.5% of statements, close to the peer average. 3 statements, most often aimed at woke; peers 1.4%.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the NH 2025–26 session
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Feb ’25 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Mar ’25 | 9 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Apr ’25 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| May ’25 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jun ’25 | 27 | 7.4% | 7.4% | 18.5% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 3.7% |
| Jul ’25 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’25 | 7 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’25 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Oct ’25 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Nov ’25 | 8 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Dec ’25 | 19 | 15.8% | 5.3% | 36.8% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 5.3% |
| Jan ’26 | 6 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Feb ’26 | 5 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Mar ’26 | 22 | 9.1% | 9.1% | 22.7% | 4.5% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’26 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| May ’26 | 10 | 20.0% | 10.0% | 40.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’26 | 12 | 16.7% | 16.7% | 33.3% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’26 | 23 | 13.0% | 4.3% | 39.1% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’26 | 22 | 18.2% | 4.5% | 31.8% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’26 | 9 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Oct ’26 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the NH 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 15 months are hatched here.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Sep 13, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; policy discussion; International Affairs; target: Joe Sweeney · Source
Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Sep 4, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Immigration · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Dec 1, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · extreme label “woke” aimed at woke · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · International Affairs · target: Joe SweeneySource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Chris PappasSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Ross BerrySource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacksSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Chris PappasSource
Newest first, the NH 2025–26 session
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 201 posts on X.
Taxation is what Ulery talks about most: 22% of policy statements, 2.7 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.52 on a 0–1 scale (State House Republicans average 0.53; 289th of 504).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Ulery talks about. The bills Ulery sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
Share of policy statements by area, the NH 2025–26 session
| Row | Ulery | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Taxation | 22% | 8% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 18% | 18% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 16% | 12% |
| Law | 13% | 3% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 9% | 6% |
The thick bar is the share of Ulery’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State House Republicans averages.
| Area | Talks about | State House Republicans, talks about | Legislates on | State House Republicans, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Taxation | 22% | 8% | 19% | 11% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 18% | 18% | 25% | 12% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 16% | 12% | 1% | 2% |
| Law | 13% | 3% | 3% | 3% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 9% | 6% | 7% | 4% |
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State House Republicans average 0.53. Ranks 289th of 504.
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Ulery legislates on exactly the areas Ulery talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Ulery sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ulery sits at +0.13 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more liberal than 84% of State House Republicans. Approximate range +0.11 to +0.15, which understates the uncertainty; from 1 donors and 1,147 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +0.11 to +0.15. From 1 donors and 1,147 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Ulery, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Ulery’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Ulery |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Republicans | 2917 | +0.4 | 16% |
| New Hampshire House | 382 | 0.0 | 73% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 53% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Ulery in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Ulery.
Ulery reported $1,550 in the 2022 cycle, close to the State House Republicans’ median of $1,620. State filings report no small-donation total. 100% of itemized individual money came from New Hampshire.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2022 cycle
From 1 itemized donors. State House Republicans’ median $1,620.
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2022 cycle.
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $1,450 | 93.5% |
| PACs and other committees | $100 | 6.5% |
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Itemized contributions, 2022 to 2022. The grey line is the State House Republicans’ median for 2022.
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2022 cycle | $1,550 |
Itemized contributions by donor state. 100% came from New Hampshire.
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| New Hampshire | $1,450 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
| Florida | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from New Hampshire
Of itemized individual dollars
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is New Hampshire. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Itemized, 2022 cycle.
No occupations reported.
PAC and committee contributions, 2022 cycle.
Itemized, 2022 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Ulery voted with the majority of New Hampshire House Republicans on 96.6% of party-line votes and missed 6.1% of 557 roll calls. New Hampshire House on average: 95.3% party unity, 89% attendance. Across all roll calls, Ulery voted against the majority of New Hampshire House Republicans 23 times.
557 roll calls Ulery could vote on in the NH 2025–26 session, compared with New Hampshire House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Ulery voted with the majority of New Hampshire House Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
votes against the majority of New Hampshire House Republicans
Party unity 96.6%, New Hampshire House average 95.3%, ranks 224th of 381. 557 roll calls in the NH 2025–26 session.
The thick bar is Ulery, the thin grey bar the New Hampshire House average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
| Row | Ulery | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 93.9% | 89% |
| Party unity | 96.6% | 95.3% |
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the NH 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Aug 19, 2026 | HB 2026 relative to the state 10-year transportation improvement plan; relative to toll rate adjustments and periodic toll reviews for the New Hampshire turnpike system to support the 2027-2036 ten-year transportation plan; and relative to reconstruction of the Gregg Mill Road Bridge in the town of New Bost Veto Override | Nay | Against majority | pass | D 143–0 · R 148–25 · I 1–0Democrats 143 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 148 yea, 25 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | party crossover |
| Aug 19, 2026 | HB 1358 establishing a commission to study transitioning all public schools to public charter schools. Veto Override | Yea | With majority | fail | D 0–143 · R 149–23 · I 1–0Democrats 0 yea, 143 nay; Republicans 149 yea, 23 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | close vote · party crossover |
| Aug 19, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 0–139 · R 161–9 · I 1–0Democrats 0 yea, 139 nay; Republicans 161 yea, 9 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | close vote | |
| Aug 19, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 0–142 · R 158–13 · I 1–0Democrats 0 yea, 142 nay; Republicans 158 yea, 13 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | close vote | |
| Aug 19, 2026 | HB 1726 relative to the sale of surplus state-owned land and establishing a commission to study the sale of state-owned property. Veto Override | Yea | With majority | fail | D 2–135 · R 98–71 · I 1–0Democrats 2 yea, 135 nay; Republicans 98 yea, 71 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | party crossover |
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
The colleagues who voted the same way as Ulery most often
The colleagues who voted the same way as Ulery least often
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
NH 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Ulery sponsored 9 bills in the NH 2025–26 session; none became law. Cosponsored 33 others. 44% of sponsored bills got out of committee (New Hampshire House average 48%; 71st of 128).
The bills Ulery sponsored and cosponsored in the NH 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the NH 2025–26 session
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 9 | 9 | 4 | 2 | 0 |
| Cosponsored | 33 | 33 | 17 | 13 | 4 |
Ink blocks are bills Ulery sponsored, ochre blocks bills Ulery cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
New Hampshire House average 48%. Ranks 71st of 128.
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Ulery, by number of shared bills in the NH 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Ulery’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| HB 1802 | relative to training, testing, and certification of local land use board members and making an appropriations therefor. | Cosponsor | Dec 17, 2025 | In committee | Housing and Community Development(model) | Inexpedient to Legislate: MA VV 02/05/2026 HJ 3 P. 18 Feb 5, 2026 |
| HB 1755 | relative to the 340B discounted drug purchasing program. | Cosponsor | Dec 17, 2025 | In committee | Health(model) | Interim Study Report: Not Recommended for Future Legislation 10/22/2026 (Vote 12-1;) Oct 23, 2026 |
| HB 1735 | relative to the practice of pharmacy, the dispensing of certain medications by pharmacists, and permitting treatment of certain severe illness under the right to try act. | Cosponsor | Dec 17, 2025 | Passed both chambers | Health(model) | Signed by Governor Ayotte 07/10/2026; Chapter 311; eff. I. Sec 14-19 eff prov sec 21 II. Secs 1-13 eff 9/8/2026 III. Rem eff 7/10/2026 Jul 16, 2026 |
| HB 1619 | relative to the rights of property owners and limitations on municipal land use regulation, and repealing the workforce housing program. | Cosponsor | Dec 10, 2025 | In committee | Housing and Community Development(model) | Interim Study Report: Recommended for Future Legislation 10/01/2026 (Vote 5-4; ) Oct 5, 2026 |
| HB 1599 | allowing net operating losses to be carried forward in perpetuity following a loss year. | Cosponsor | Dec 10, 2025 | In committee | Taxation(model) | Executive Session: 06/15/2026 10:30 am GP 159 Oct 12, 2026 |
A site that changed 2 times in 90 days. Ulery’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Ulery’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Ulery posts with a vision model.
Official site
www.gencourt.state.nh.us/house/members/member.aspx?member=376635Last crawled Oct 1, 2026
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
No images from Ulery’s posts have been described.
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which Ulery is most unusual among State House Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab