Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 16, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Education; Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues · Source

CSIP score +0.85 (approximate range +0.81 to +0.90, which understates the uncertainty); negative is left of the scale’s centre, positive right. From 174 donors and 1,090 roll calls.
CSIP places every official on one left–right scale estimated from roll-call votes, campaign donations and the text of statements; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of moderate. The share says where Hodges sits among State Senate Republicans, not how far from the centre.
6 measures against State Senate Republicans. 34% of Hodges’s statements claim credit, 2.2 times the State Senate Republican average of 15%. The policy areas Hodges talks about and legislates on agree at 0.66 on a 0–1 scale, in the top tenth of State Senate Republicans.
The measures on which Hodges sits furthest from the middle of State Senate Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Party unity
Louisiana Senate average 93.6% · ranks 1st of 37 · 81 votes against the majority of Louisiana Senate Republicans
CSIP ideology
More conservative than 96% of State Senate Republicans · ± 0.04
Credit claiming
State Senate Republicans average 15% · ranks 32nd of 354
Talk-to-bills agreement
State Senate Republicans average 0.52 · ranks 22nd of 226
From Louisiana, 2026
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 136th of 860 State Senate Republicans
Out of committee
Louisiana Senate average 51% · ranks 33rd of 38
Peer group: State Senate Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Hodges, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Hodges is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Hodges attacks opponents personally about as often as the median State Senate Republican. Personal attacks in 0.4% of 265 statements, against 2.3% for the average State Senate Republican; 166th of 354.
An AI model reads each of Hodges’s 265 statements in the LA 2025–26 session (265 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Republicans and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the LA 2025–26 session
| Row | Hodges | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 54% | 37% |
| Credit claiming | 34% | 15% |
| Bipartisanship | 4% | 2% |
| Policy criticism | 3% | 9% |
| Personal attacks | 0% | 2% |
statements classified
265 posts on X.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 265 |
The thick bar is Hodges; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Republicans. A longer thick bar means Hodges does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Hodges used no extreme labels in 265 statements. The peer average is 1.3%.
No extreme labels in this window.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
No targets recorded.
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the LA 2025–26 session
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Feb ’25 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Mar ’25 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Apr ’25 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| May ’25 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jun ’25 | 14 | 7.1% | 14.3% | 71.4% | 7.1% | 57.1% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’25 | 11 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 81.8% | 0.0% | 72.7% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’25 | 30 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 63.3% | 3.3% | 33.3% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’25 | 18 | 0.0% | 5.6% | 44.4% | 0.0% | 11.1% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’25 | 25 | 0.0% | 4.0% | 44.0% | 4.0% | 12.0% | 0.0% |
| Nov ’25 | 13 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 38.5% | 0.0% | 15.4% | 0.0% |
| Dec ’25 | 13 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 38.5% | 0.0% | 23.1% | 0.0% |
| Jan ’26 | 9 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Feb ’26 | 15 | 0.0% | 6.7% | 20.0% | 0.0% | 6.7% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’26 | 17 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 70.6% | 11.8% | 64.7% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’26 | 20 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 65.0% | 0.0% | 50.0% | 0.0% |
| May ’26 | 16 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 50.0% | 12.5% | 37.5% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’26 | 12 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 33.3% | 0.0% | 25.0% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’26 | 23 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 52.2% | 4.3% | 26.1% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’26 | 8 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’26 | 6 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Oct ’26 | 5 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the LA 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 9 months are hatched here.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 16, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Education; Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues · Source
Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Feb 7, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Immigration · Source
Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jun 13, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; policy criticism; policy discussion; Health; Commerce; target: CVS · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy criticism · policy discussion · Health · Commerce · target: CVSSource
Newest first, the LA 2025–26 session
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 265 posts on X.
Transportation and Public Works is what Hodges talks about most: 22% of policy statements, 3.7 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.66 on a 0–1 scale (State Senate Republicans average 0.52; 22nd of 226).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Hodges talks about. The bills Hodges sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
Share of policy statements by area, the LA 2025–26 session
| Row | Hodges | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Transportation and Public Works | 22% | 6% |
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 15% | 12% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 12% | 6% |
| Education | 12% | 14% |
| Finance and Financial Sector | 10% | 1% |
The thick bar is the share of Hodges’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Republicans averages.
| Area | Talks about | State Senate Republicans, talks about | Legislates on | State Senate Republicans, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Transportation and Public Works | 22% | 6% | 13% | 6% |
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 15% | 12% | 13% | 10% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 12% | 6% | 12% | 2% |
| Education | 12% | 14% | 13% | 10% |
| Finance and Financial Sector | 10% | 1% | 9% | 3% |
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State Senate Republicans average 0.52. Ranks 22nd of 226.
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Hodges legislates on exactly the areas Hodges talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Hodges sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Hodges sits at +0.85 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more conservative than 96% of State Senate Republicans. Approximate range +0.81 to +0.90, which understates the uncertainty; from 174 donors and 1,090 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +0.81 to +0.90. From 174 donors and 1,090 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Hodges, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Hodges’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Hodges |
|---|---|---|---|
| State Senate Republicans | 1083 | +0.4 | 96% |
| Louisiana Senate | 38 | +0.3 | 95% |
| All State Senate | 1909 | +0.1 | 98% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Hodges in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Hodges.
Hodges reported $52.7K in the 2026 cycle, close to the State Senate Republicans’ median of $46.2K. State filings report no small-donation total. 100% of itemized individual money came from Louisiana.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 11 itemized donors. State Senate Republicans’ median $46.2K.
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $29.5K | 55.9% |
| PACs and other committees | $23.2K | 44.1% |
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State Senate Republicans’ median for 2026.
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $24.2K |
| 2022 cycle | $56.9K |
| 2024 cycle | $139.9K |
| 2026 cycle | $52.7K |
Itemized contributions by donor state. 100% came from Louisiana.
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Louisiana | $29.5K |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
| Florida | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from Louisiana
Of itemized individual dollars
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Louisiana. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No occupations reported.
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Hodges voted with the majority of Louisiana Senate Republicans on 98.8% of party-line votes and missed 9.8% of 2,495 roll calls. Louisiana Senate on average: 93.6% party unity, 88% attendance. Across all roll calls, Hodges voted against the majority of Louisiana Senate Republicans 81 times.
2,495 roll calls Hodges could vote on in the LA 2025–26 session, compared with Louisiana Senate. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Hodges voted with the majority of Louisiana Senate Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
votes against the majority of Louisiana Senate Republicans
Party unity 98.8%, Louisiana Senate average 93.6%, ranks 1st of 37. 2,495 roll calls in the LA 2025–26 session.
The thick bar is Hodges, the thin grey bar the Louisiana Senate average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
| Row | Hodges | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 90.1% | 88% |
| Party unity | 98.8% | 93.6% |
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the LA 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| May 29, 2026 | HB 1222 ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: Provides relative to grocery initiative grants and financial support (RR INCREASE GF EX See Note) FINAL PASSAGE (#1547) | Nay | With majority | fail | D 10–0 · R 7–19Democrats 10 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 7 yea, 19 nay | close vote · party crossover |
| May 29, 2026 | HB 75 GAMING: Creates an enhanced promotional play pilot program relative to net slot machine proceeds (EN -$574,627 GF RV See Note) FINAL PASSAGE (#1571) | Nay | Against majority | pass | D 8–0 · R 12–11Democrats 8 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 12 yea, 11 nay | became law · party crossover |
| May 29, 2026 | HB 410 CIVIL/PROCEDURE: Requires notification of all parties to record in-person communication FINAL PASSAGE (#1561) | Yea | With majority | pass | D 4–5 · R 25–1Democrats 4 yea, 5 nay; Republicans 25 yea, 1 nay | became law |
| May 29, 2026 | HB 944 HEALTH SERVICES: Creates the Louisiana Women's Health Consortium (EN NO IMPACT See Note) FINAL PASSAGE (#1558) | Yea | With majority | pass | D 10–0 · R 26–0Democrats 10 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 26 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| May 29, 2026 | HB 750 CONSUMERS/PROTECTION: Provides for cancellation of automatic renewal subscriptions FINAL PASSAGE (#1562) | Nay | With majority | pass | D 10–0 · R 10–16Democrats 10 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 10 yea, 16 nay | became law · party crossover |
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
The colleagues who voted the same way as Hodges most often
The colleagues who voted the same way as Hodges least often
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
LA 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Hodges sponsored 50 bills in the LA 2025–26 session; 11 became law. Cosponsored 91 others. 30% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Louisiana Senate average 51%; 33rd of 38).
The bills Hodges sponsored and cosponsored in the LA 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the LA 2025–26 session
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 50 | 20 | 15 | 11 | 11 |
| Cosponsored | 91 | 88 | 74 | 59 | 53 |
Ink blocks are bills Hodges sponsored, ochre blocks bills Hodges cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Louisiana Senate average 51%. Ranks 33rd of 38.
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Hodges, by number of shared bills in the LA 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Hodges’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| SR 204 | COMMENDATIONS: Commends Dr. Lawrence Dewayne Hardy for his exceptional leadership, guidance, and prayer during the 2026 Regular Session of the Louisiana Legislature. | Cosponsor | Jun 1, 2026 | In committee | Unassigned | Introduced in the Senate; read by title. Rules suspended. Read second time by title and adopted. Jun 1, 2026 |
| SCR 89 | LEGISLATION: Limits the number of resolutions or prefiled bills a member may file during any annual session. | Cosponsor | Jun 1, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Introduced in the Senate; read by title. Rules suspended. Read second time by title and adopted by a vote of 35 yeas and 1 nays. Ordered sent to the House. Jun 1, 2026 |
| SR 147 | CONDOLENCES: Expresses condolences upon the death of Katherine "Katy" Wells. | Sponsor | May 21, 2026 | Introduced | Unassigned | Enrolled. Signed by the President of the Senate and sent to the Secretary of State by the Secretary of the Senate. May 28, 2026 |
| SR 145 | STATE DEPARTMENT: Recreates the Task Force on Protecting Louisiana's Critical Infrastructure from Foreign Adversaries. | Sponsor | May 21, 2026 | Introduced | Armed Forces and National Security(model) | Enrolled. Signed by the President of the Senate and sent to the Secretary of State by the Secretary of the Senate. May 28, 2026 |
| SR 141 | RETIREMENT SYSTEMS: Requests state retirement systems to identify China-connected holdings and to report on how to divest from such investments in a prudent and orderly manner. | Sponsor | May 20, 2026 | Introduced | Finance and Financial Sector(model) | Enrolled. Signed by the President of the Senate and sent to the Secretary of State by the Secretary of the Senate. May 28, 2026 |
A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Hodges’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Hodges’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Hodges posts with a vision model.
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
No images from Hodges’s posts have been described.
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which Hodges is most unusual among State Senate Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab