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Republican · Louisiana Senate, district 13

Serving since Jan 8, 2024LA 2025–26 session

Portrait of Valarie Hodges, rendered as a two-tone print
Official portrait
96%
of State Senate Republicans score to the left of Hodges on the CSIP scale

CSIP score +0.85 (approximate range +0.81 to +0.90, which understates the uncertainty); negative is left of the scale’s centre, positive right. From 174 donors and 1,090 roll calls.

CSIP places every official on one left–right scale estimated from roll-call votes, campaign donations and the text of statements; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of moderate. The share says where Hodges sits among State Senate Republicans, not how far from the centre.

At a glance

6 measures against State Senate Republicans. 34% of Hodges’s statements claim credit, 2.2 times the State Senate Republican average of 15%. The policy areas Hodges talks about and legislates on agree at 0.66 on a 0–1 scale, in the top tenth of State Senate Republicans.

The measures on which Hodges sits furthest from the middle of State Senate Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.

Party unity

98.8%

Louisiana Senate average 93.6% · ranks 1st of 37 · 81 votes against the majority of Louisiana Senate Republicans

CSIP ideology

+0.85

More conservative than 96% of State Senate Republicans · ± 0.04

Credit claiming

34%

State Senate Republicans average 15% · ranks 32nd of 354

Talk-to-bills agreement

0.66

State Senate Republicans average 0.52 · ranks 22nd of 226

From Louisiana, 2026

100%

Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 136th of 860 State Senate Republicans

Out of committee

30%

Louisiana Senate average 51% · ranks 33rd of 38

Peer group: State Senate Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Hodges, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Hodges is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).

Back to topNext: What politicians say

What Hodges says

Hodges attacks opponents personally about as often as the median State Senate Republican. Personal attacks in 0.4% of 265 statements, against 2.3% for the average State Senate Republican; 166th of 354.

An AI model reads each of Hodges’s 265 statements in the LA 2025–26 session (265 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Republicans and ranked among them.

Kinds of statement

Share of statements carrying each label, the LA 2025–26 session

0%80%
Hodges
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion144 statements
54%
37%
70th of 354
Credit claiming89 statements
34%
15%
32nd of 354
Bipartisanship11 statements
4%
2%
67th of 354
Policy criticism8 statements
3%
9%
242nd of 354
Personal attacks1 statements
0%
2%
166th of 354
Show the data
Hodges's share of statements in each category against the State Senate Republicans average.
RowHodgesPeers
Policy discussion54%37%
Credit claiming34%15%
Bipartisanship4%2%
Policy criticism3%9%
Personal attacks0%2%
265

statements classified

265 posts on X.

posts on X: 265 (100.0%)posts on X 265
Show the data
Hodges's statements by source
PartValue
posts on X265
How to read the bars

The thick bar is Hodges; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Republicans. A longer thick bar means Hodges does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.

Extreme labels

Hodges used no extreme labels in 265 statements. The peer average is 1.3%.

No extreme labels in this window.

Who gets the labels

Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements

No targets recorded.

What an extreme label is

Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.

Month by month

Share of statements per month, the LA 2025–26 session

Statements2025-01: 22025-02: 22025-03: 12025-04: 12025-05: 42025-06: 142025-07: 112025-08: 302025-09: 182025-10: 252025-11: 132025-12: 132026-01: 92026-02: 152026-03: 172026-04: 202026-05: 162026-06: 122026-07: 232026-08: 82026-09: 62026-10: 5peak 30 · Aug ’25Personal attackspeak 7.1% · Jun ’25 · latest 0.0%Personal attacks, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-06: 7.1% of 14Personal attacks, 2025-07: 0.0% of 11Personal attacks, 2025-08: 0.0% of 30Personal attacks, 2025-09: 0.0% of 18Personal attacks, 2025-10: 0.0% of 25Personal attacks, 2025-11: 0.0% of 13Personal attacks, 2025-12: 0.0% of 13Personal attacks, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-02: 0.0% of 15Personal attacks, 2026-03: 0.0% of 17Personal attacks, 2026-04: 0.0% of 20Personal attacks, 2026-05: 0.0% of 16Personal attacks, 2026-06: 0.0% of 12Personal attacks, 2026-07: 0.0% of 23Personal attacks, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticismpeak 14.3% · Jun ’25 · latest 0.0%Policy criticism, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-06: 14.3% of 14Policy criticism, 2025-07: 0.0% of 11Policy criticism, 2025-08: 0.0% of 30Policy criticism, 2025-09: 5.6% of 18Policy criticism, 2025-10: 4.0% of 25Policy criticism, 2025-11: 0.0% of 13Policy criticism, 2025-12: 0.0% of 13Policy criticism, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-02: 6.7% of 15Policy criticism, 2026-03: 0.0% of 17Policy criticism, 2026-04: 0.0% of 20Policy criticism, 2026-05: 0.0% of 16Policy criticism, 2026-06: 0.0% of 12Policy criticism, 2026-07: 0.0% of 23Policy criticism, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussionpeak 81.8% · Jul ’25 · latest 52.2%Policy discussion, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-06: 71.4% of 14Policy discussion, 2025-07: 81.8% of 11Policy discussion, 2025-08: 63.3% of 30Policy discussion, 2025-09: 44.4% of 18Policy discussion, 2025-10: 44.0% of 25Policy discussion, 2025-11: 38.5% of 13Policy discussion, 2025-12: 38.5% of 13Policy discussion, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-02: 20.0% of 15Policy discussion, 2026-03: 70.6% of 17Policy discussion, 2026-04: 65.0% of 20Policy discussion, 2026-05: 50.0% of 16Policy discussion, 2026-06: 33.3% of 12Policy discussion, 2026-07: 52.2% of 23Policy discussion, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanshippeak 12.5% · May ’26 · latest 4.3%Bipartisanship, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-06: 7.1% of 14Bipartisanship, 2025-07: 0.0% of 11Bipartisanship, 2025-08: 3.3% of 30Bipartisanship, 2025-09: 0.0% of 18Bipartisanship, 2025-10: 4.0% of 25Bipartisanship, 2025-11: 0.0% of 13Bipartisanship, 2025-12: 0.0% of 13Bipartisanship, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-02: 0.0% of 15Bipartisanship, 2026-03: 11.8% of 17Bipartisanship, 2026-04: 0.0% of 20Bipartisanship, 2026-05: 12.5% of 16Bipartisanship, 2026-06: 0.0% of 12Bipartisanship, 2026-07: 4.3% of 23Bipartisanship, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claimingpeak 72.7% · Jul ’25 · latest 26.1%Credit claiming, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-06: 57.1% of 14Credit claiming, 2025-07: 72.7% of 11Credit claiming, 2025-08: 33.3% of 30Credit claiming, 2025-09: 11.1% of 18Credit claiming, 2025-10: 12.0% of 25Credit claiming, 2025-11: 15.4% of 13Credit claiming, 2025-12: 23.1% of 13Credit claiming, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-02: 6.7% of 15Credit claiming, 2026-03: 64.7% of 17Credit claiming, 2026-04: 50.0% of 20Credit claiming, 2026-05: 37.5% of 16Credit claiming, 2026-06: 25.0% of 12Credit claiming, 2026-07: 26.1% of 23Credit claiming, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labelspeak 0.0% · Jun ’25 · latest 0.0%Extreme labels, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-06: 0.0% of 14Extreme labels, 2025-07: 0.0% of 11Extreme labels, 2025-08: 0.0% of 30Extreme labels, 2025-09: 0.0% of 18Extreme labels, 2025-10: 0.0% of 25Extreme labels, 2025-11: 0.0% of 13Extreme labels, 2025-12: 0.0% of 13Extreme labels, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-02: 0.0% of 15Extreme labels, 2026-03: 0.0% of 17Extreme labels, 2026-04: 0.0% of 20Extreme labels, 2026-05: 0.0% of 16Extreme labels, 2026-06: 0.0% of 12Extreme labels, 2026-07: 0.0% of 23Extreme labels, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Jan ’25Jul ’25Jan ’26Jul ’26Oct ’26
Show the data
Monthly rates for Hodges, each row shaded against its own peak, with statement volume. Months with fewer than 10 statements are left blank.
ColumnStatementsPersonal attacksPolicy criticismPolicy discussionBipartisanshipCredit claimingExtreme labels
Jan ’252— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Feb ’252— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Mar ’251— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Apr ’251— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
May ’254— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jun ’25147.1%14.3%71.4%7.1%57.1%0.0%
Jul ’25110.0%0.0%81.8%0.0%72.7%0.0%
Aug ’25300.0%0.0%63.3%3.3%33.3%0.0%
Sep ’25180.0%5.6%44.4%0.0%11.1%0.0%
Oct ’25250.0%4.0%44.0%4.0%12.0%0.0%
Nov ’25130.0%0.0%38.5%0.0%15.4%0.0%
Dec ’25130.0%0.0%38.5%0.0%23.1%0.0%
Jan ’269— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Feb ’26150.0%6.7%20.0%0.0%6.7%0.0%
Mar ’26170.0%0.0%70.6%11.8%64.7%0.0%
Apr ’26200.0%0.0%65.0%0.0%50.0%0.0%
May ’26160.0%0.0%50.0%12.5%37.5%0.0%
Jun ’26120.0%0.0%33.3%0.0%25.0%0.0%
Jul ’26230.0%0.0%52.2%4.3%26.1%0.0%
Aug ’268— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Sep ’266— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Oct ’265— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
How to read the strips

Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the LA 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 9 months are hatched here.

In Hodges’s words

Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned

Credit claiming

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Oct 16, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Education; Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues · Source

Policy criticism

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Feb 7, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Immigration · Source

Personal attacks

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Jun 13, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; policy criticism; policy discussion; Health; Commerce; target: CVS · Source

Examples by category

Up to five recent statements in each category

Category

Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.

  1. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · policy criticism · policy discussion · Health · Commerce · target: CVSSource

All 265 statements

Newest first, the LA 2025–26 session

The full feed

Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 265 posts on X.

Back to topNext: Policy

Policy

Transportation and Public Works is what Hodges talks about most: 22% of policy statements, 3.7 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.66 on a 0–1 scale (State Senate Republicans average 0.52; 22nd of 226).

Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Hodges talks about. The bills Hodges sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.

What Hodges talks about

Share of policy statements by area, the LA 2025–26 session

0%35%
Hodges
Peers
Transportation and Public Works32 statements
22%
6%
Crime and Law Enforcement21 statements
15%
12%
Armed Forces and National Security17 statements
12%
6%
Education17 statements
12%
14%
Finance and Financial Sector14 statements
10%
1%
Show the data
Policy areas Hodges talks about, as a share of policy statements, against the State Senate Republicans average.
RowHodgesPeers
Transportation and Public Works22%6%
Crime and Law Enforcement15%12%
Armed Forces and National Security12%6%
Education12%14%
Finance and Financial Sector10%1%
How to read the bars

The thick bar is the share of Hodges’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

Talks about · legislates on

Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Republicans averages.

Talks aboutLegislates onTransportation and PublicWorksTransportation and Public Works, talks about: 22% (State Senate Republicans 6%)22%Transportation and Public Works, legislates on: 13% (State Senate Republicans 6%)13%Crime and Law EnforcementCrime and Law Enforcement, talks about: 15% (State Senate Republicans 12%)15%Crime and Law Enforcement, legislates on: 13% (State Senate Republicans 10%)13%Armed Forces and NationalSecurityArmed Forces and National Security, talks about: 12% (State Senate Republicans 6%)12%Armed Forces and National Security, legislates on: 12% (State Senate Republicans 2%)12%EducationEducation, talks about: 12% (State Senate Republicans 14%)12%Education, legislates on: 13% (State Senate Republicans 10%)13%Finance and Financial SectorFinance and Financial Sector, talks about: 10% (State Senate Republicans 1%)10%Finance and Financial Sector, legislates on: 9% (State Senate Republicans 3%)9%
Show the data
Hodges's share of statements against share of bills in each policy area.
AreaTalks aboutState Senate Republicans, talks aboutLegislates onState Senate Republicans, legislates on
Transportation and Public Works22%6%13%6%
Crime and Law Enforcement15%12%13%10%
Armed Forces and National Security12%6%12%2%
Education12%14%13%10%
Finance and Financial Sector10%1%9%3%
0.66

talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1

State Senate Republicans average 0.52. Ranks 22nd of 226.

What agreement means, and what it doesn’t

Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Hodges legislates on exactly the areas Hodges talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Hodges sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.

Back to topNext: Ideology

Ideology

Hodges sits at +0.85 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more conservative than 96% of State Senate Republicans. Approximate range +0.81 to +0.90, which understates the uncertainty; from 174 donors and 1,090 roll calls.

CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.

+0.85

CSIP ideal point

Approximate range +0.81 to +0.90. From 174 donors and 1,090 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.

← More liberalMore conservative →0Hodges +0.9State Senate Republicans +0.4Louisiana Senate +0.3All State Senate +0.1

The outlined dot is Hodges, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Hodges’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.

What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.

Where Hodges sits

Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale

−2.0−1.00.0+1.0+2.0← More liberalMore conservative →State Senate Republicansmedian +0.4Hodges +0.9Louisiana Senatemedian +0.3All State Senatemedian +0.1
Show the data
Hodges's CSIP score of +0.85 placed against State Senate Republicans, Louisiana Senate, All State Senate.
GroupOfficialsMedianShare left of Hodges
State Senate Republicans1083+0.496%
Louisiana Senate38+0.395%
All State Senate1909+0.198%
How to read the strips

Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Hodges in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Hodges.

Back to topNext: Money

Money

Hodges reported $52.7K in the 2026 cycle, close to the State Senate Republicans’ median of $46.2K. State filings report no small-donation total. 100% of itemized individual money came from Louisiana.

Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.

Election cycle
$52.7K

itemized in the 2026 cycle

From 11 itemized donors. State Senate Republicans’ median $46.2K.

Where the money came from

Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.

Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)Individuals (itemized): $29.5K (55.9%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)PACs and other committees: $23.2K (44.1%)
  • Individuals (itemized)56 squares$29.5K
  • PACs and other committees44 squares$23.2K
Show the data
Sources of Hodges's money, 2026 cycle, one square per percent
SourceAmountShare
Individuals (itemized)$29.5K55.9%
PACs and other committees$23.2K44.1%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.

Receipts by cycle

Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State Senate Republicans’ median for 2026.

2020 cycle: $24.2K$24.2K20202022 cycle: $56.9K$56.9K20222024 cycle: $139.9K$139.9K20242026 cycle: $52.7K$52.7K2026State Senate Republicans median $46.2K
Show the data
Hodges's receipts by cycle against the 2026 State Senate Republicans median.
ItemValue
2020 cycle$24.2K
2022 cycle$56.9K
2024 cycle$139.9K
2026 cycle$52.7K

Top donor states, 2026

Itemized contributions by donor state. 100% came from Louisiana.

  1. Louisiana$29.5K

Small donations

State filings report no total for small gifts.

Not reported in state filings.

Where itemized donors live

Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state

Alaska: no dataAKMaine: no dataMEVermont: no dataVTNew Hampshire: no dataNHWashington: no dataWAIdaho: no dataIDMontana: no dataMTNorth Dakota: no dataNDMinnesota: no dataMNIllinois: no dataILWisconsin: no dataWIMichigan: no dataMINew York: no dataNYRhode Island: no dataRIMassachusetts: no dataMAOregon: no dataORNevada: no dataNVWyoming: no dataWYSouth Dakota: no dataSDIowa: no dataIAIndiana: no dataINOhio: no dataOHPennsylvania: no dataPANew Jersey: no dataNJConnecticut: no dataCTCalifornia: no dataCAUtah: no dataUTColorado: no dataCONebraska: no dataNEMissouri: no dataMOKentucky: no dataKYWest Virginia: no dataWVVirginia: no dataVAMaryland: no dataMDDelaware: no dataDEArizona: no dataAZNew Mexico: no dataNMKansas: no dataKSArkansas: no dataARTennessee: no dataTNNorth Carolina: no dataNCSouth Carolina: no dataSCDistrict of Columbia: no dataDCOklahoma: no dataOKLouisiana: $29.5KLAMississippi: no dataMSAlabama: no dataALGeorgia: no dataGAHawaii: no dataHITexas: no dataTXFlorida: no dataFL
Show the data
Hodges's itemized individual contributions by donor state, 2026 cycle
StateValue
Louisiana$29.5K
AlaskaNo data
MaineNo data
VermontNo data
New HampshireNo data
WashingtonNo data
IdahoNo data
MontanaNo data
North DakotaNo data
MinnesotaNo data
IllinoisNo data
WisconsinNo data
MichiganNo data
New YorkNo data
Rhode IslandNo data
MassachusettsNo data
OregonNo data
NevadaNo data
WyomingNo data
South DakotaNo data
IowaNo data
IndianaNo data
OhioNo data
PennsylvaniaNo data
New JerseyNo data
ConnecticutNo data
CaliforniaNo data
UtahNo data
ColoradoNo data
NebraskaNo data
MissouriNo data
KentuckyNo data
West VirginiaNo data
VirginiaNo data
MarylandNo data
DelawareNo data
ArizonaNo data
New MexicoNo data
KansasNo data
ArkansasNo data
TennesseeNo data
North CarolinaNo data
South CarolinaNo data
District of ColumbiaNo data
OklahomaNo data
MississippiNo data
AlabamaNo data
GeorgiaNo data
HawaiiNo data
TexasNo data
FloridaNo data
11

itemized donors

People who gave more than $200

100%

from Louisiana

Of itemized individual dollars

How to read the map

Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Louisiana. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.

Top donor occupations

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

No occupations reported.

Top committees

PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.

  1. SHERIFF JASON ARD CAMPAIGN FUND$3,000
  2. NORPAC, LLC$2,500
  3. ENPAC LOUISIANA$2,000
  4. FEDERATION FOR AMERICAN IMMIGRATION REFORM$1,500
  5. AGRIPAC$1,017

Top employers

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

No employers reported.

Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.

Back to topNext: Votes

Votes

Hodges voted with the majority of Louisiana Senate Republicans on 98.8% of party-line votes and missed 9.8% of 2,495 roll calls. Louisiana Senate on average: 93.6% party unity, 88% attendance. Across all roll calls, Hodges voted against the majority of Louisiana Senate Republicans 81 times.

2,495 roll calls Hodges could vote on in the LA 2025–26 session, compared with Louisiana Senate. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Hodges voted with the majority of Louisiana Senate Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.

81

votes against the majority of Louisiana Senate Republicans

Party unity 98.8%, Louisiana Senate average 93.6%, ranks 1st of 37. 2,495 roll calls in the LA 2025–26 session.

Attendance and party unity

The thick bar is Hodges, the thin grey bar the Louisiana Senate average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.

80%100%
Hodges
Peers
Rank
Attendance
90.1%
88%
17th of 37
Party unity
98.8%
93.6%
1st of 37
Show the data
Hodges's attendance and party unity against Louisiana Senate.
RowHodgesPeers
Attendance90.1%88%
Party unity98.8%93.6%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.

Key votes

25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the LA 2025–26 session

Key votes
Party split (yea–nay)Why it’s key
May 29, 2026
HB 1222
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: Provides relative to grocery initiative grants and financial support (RR INCREASE GF EX See Note)
FINAL PASSAGE (#1547)
NayWith majorityfailD 10–0 · R 7–19Democrats 10 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 7 yea, 19 nayclose vote · party crossover
May 29, 2026
HB 75
GAMING: Creates an enhanced promotional play pilot program relative to net slot machine proceeds (EN -$574,627 GF RV See Note)
FINAL PASSAGE (#1571)
NayAgainst majoritypassD 8–0 · R 12–11Democrats 8 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 12 yea, 11 naybecame law · party crossover
May 29, 2026
HB 410
CIVIL/PROCEDURE: Requires notification of all parties to record in-person communication
FINAL PASSAGE (#1561)
YeaWith majoritypassD 4–5 · R 25–1Democrats 4 yea, 5 nay; Republicans 25 yea, 1 naybecame law
May 29, 2026
HB 944
HEALTH SERVICES: Creates the Louisiana Women's Health Consortium (EN NO IMPACT See Note)
FINAL PASSAGE (#1558)
YeaWith majoritypassD 10–0 · R 26–0Democrats 10 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 26 yea, 0 naybecame law
May 29, 2026
HB 750
CONSUMERS/PROTECTION: Provides for cancellation of automatic renewal subscriptions
FINAL PASSAGE (#1562)
NayWith majoritypassD 10–0 · R 10–16Democrats 10 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 10 yea, 16 naybecame law · party crossover
How key votes are chosen

Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.

Votes most often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Hodges most often

  1. Blake MiguezR1,984 shared votes99%
  2. Chuck OwenR1,268 shared votes97%
  3. Mike FésiR2,206 shared votes97%
  4. Rick EdmondsR2,196 shared votes97%
  5. Alan SeabaughR1,965 shared votes97%

Votes least often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Hodges least often

  1. Gerald BoudreauxD806 shared votes85%
  2. Joe BouieD811 shared votes86%
  3. Royce DuplessisD2,009 shared votes87%
  4. Jimmy HarrisD1,830 shared votes88%
  5. Gary CarterD1,938 shared votes88%
How to read the agreement lists

The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.

Full voting record

LA 2025–26 session, loads in batches

Back to topNext: Legislation

Legislation

Hodges sponsored 50 bills in the LA 2025–26 session; 11 became law. Cosponsored 91 others. 30% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Louisiana Senate average 51%; 33rd of 38).

The bills Hodges sponsored and cosponsored in the LA 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.

Bills by stage

Counts for the LA 2025–26 session

Sponsored50 billsSponsored, Introduced: 5050Sponsored, In committee: 2020Sponsored, Passed one chamber: 1515Sponsored, Passed both chambers: 1111Sponsored, Became law: 1111Cosponsored91 billsCosponsored, Introduced: 9191Cosponsored, In committee: 8888Cosponsored, Passed one chamber: 7474Cosponsored, Passed both chambers: 5959Cosponsored, Became law: 5353IntroducedIncommitteePassed onechamberPassed bothchambersBecamelaw
Show the data
Bills Hodges sponsored and cosponsored, by furthest stage reached
RoleIntroducedIn committeePassed one chamberPassed both chambersBecame law
Sponsored5020151111
Cosponsored9188745953
How to read the blocks

Ink blocks are bills Hodges sponsored, ochre blocks bills Hodges cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.

30%

of sponsored bills got out of committee

Louisiana Senate average 51%. Ranks 33rd of 38.

Cosponsorship partners

Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Hodges, by number of shared bills in the LA 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.

  1. Regina Barrow26
  2. Beth Mizell20
  3. Rick Edmonds20
  4. Blake Miguez19
  5. Cameron Henry16
What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Hodges’s bills; the toggle shows more.

Bill list

Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest

Bills sponsored and cosponsored
SR 204COMMENDATIONS: Commends Dr. Lawrence Dewayne Hardy for his exceptional leadership, guidance, and prayer during the 2026 Regular Session of the Louisiana Legislature.CosponsorJun 1, 2026In committeeUnassignedIntroduced in the Senate; read by title. Rules suspended. Read second time by title and adopted. Jun 1, 2026
SCR 89LEGISLATION: Limits the number of resolutions or prefiled bills a member may file during any annual session.CosponsorJun 1, 2026Passed one chamberUnassignedIntroduced in the Senate; read by title. Rules suspended. Read second time by title and adopted by a vote of 35 yeas and 1 nays. Ordered sent to the House. Jun 1, 2026
SR 147CONDOLENCES: Expresses condolences upon the death of Katherine "Katy" Wells.SponsorMay 21, 2026IntroducedUnassignedEnrolled. Signed by the President of the Senate and sent to the Secretary of State by the Secretary of the Senate. May 28, 2026
SR 145STATE DEPARTMENT: Recreates the Task Force on Protecting Louisiana's Critical Infrastructure from Foreign Adversaries.SponsorMay 21, 2026IntroducedArmed Forces and National Security(model)Enrolled. Signed by the President of the Senate and sent to the Secretary of State by the Secretary of the Senate. May 28, 2026
SR 141RETIREMENT SYSTEMS: Requests state retirement systems to identify China-connected holdings and to report on how to divest from such investments in a prudent and orderly manner.SponsorMay 20, 2026IntroducedFinance and Financial Sector(model)Enrolled. Signed by the President of the Senate and sent to the Secretary of State by the Secretary of the Senate. May 28, 2026

Back to topNext: Online

Online

A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Hodges’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.

The lab crawls Hodges’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Hodges posts with a vision model.

Websites

How to read the counts

“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.

Images Hodges posted

No images from Hodges’s posts have been described.

About the descriptions

Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

State floor speeches

No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.

Floor speeches

Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.

Back to topNext: Methods and sources

Methods and sources

How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.

The headline

The headline is the measure on which Hodges is most unusual among State Senate Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.

The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.

A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).

Identifiers

Profile id
33e76c3a-a834-444c-9872-fc2af5c83837
Open States
ocd-person/33e76c3a-a834-444c-9872-fc2af5c83837

Bulk files with the same data for every official:

Freshness of this profile’s data

  • What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
  • Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
  • Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
  • Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
  • Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
  • WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
  • State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.

How the measures work

What politicians say
Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
Extreme labels
A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
Policy areas and agreement
Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology (CSIP)
Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
Campaign money
Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
Votes and key votes
Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
Peers and ranks
Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.

America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab

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