Skip to content

Democrat · Maine Senate, district 9

Serving since Dec 2, 2020ME 2025–26 session

Portrait of Joe Baldacci, rendered as a two-tone print
Official portrait
39%
of sponsored bills got out of committee, in the bottom 5% of the Maine Senate

39% of 64 sponsored bills got out of committee; the average for the Maine Senate is 69%. Ranks 32nd of 33, where 1st is the highest share.

The share of bills Baldacci sponsored that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, ranked within the Maine Senate. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position as well as effort.

At a glance

6 measures against State Senate Democrats. Baldacci voted against the majority of Maine Senate Democrats 132 times; party unity 80%, in the bottom tenth of the Maine Senate (average 93.5%). 8.3% of Baldacci’s statements use bipartisan language, 2.5 times the State Senate Democrat average of 3.4%.

The measures on which Baldacci sits furthest from the middle of State Senate Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.

Out of committee

39%

Maine Senate average 69% · ranks 32nd of 33

Party unity

80%

Maine Senate average 93.5% · ranks 33rd of 35 · 132 votes against the majority of Maine Senate Democrats

Bipartisanship

8.3%

State Senate Democrats average 3.4% · ranks 27th of 329

Attendance

88%

Maine Senate average 95.2% · ranks 32nd of 35 · 771 roll calls

From Maine, 2024

99%

Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 6th of 47 State Senate Democrats

CSIP ideology

−0.38

More conservative than 86% of State Senate Democrats · ± 0.03

Peer group: State Senate Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Baldacci, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Baldacci is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).

Back to topNext: What politicians say

What Baldacci says

Baldacci attacks opponents personally about as often as the median State Senate Democrat. Personal attacks in 0.7% of 420 statements, against 2.4% for the average State Senate Democrat; 138th of 329.

An AI model reads each of Baldacci’s 420 statements in the ME 2025–26 session (420 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Democrats and ranked among them.

Kinds of statement

Share of statements carrying each label, the ME 2025–26 session

0%80%
Baldacci
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion224 statements
53%
43%
111th of 329
Credit claiming114 statements
27%
16%
60th of 329
Policy criticism49 statements
12%
10%
115th of 329
Bipartisanship35 statements
8%
3%
27th of 329
Personal attacks3 statements
1%
2%
138th of 329
Show the data
Baldacci's share of statements in each category against the State Senate Democrats average.
RowBaldacciPeers
Policy discussion53%43%
Credit claiming27%16%
Policy criticism12%10%
Bipartisanship8%3%
Personal attacks1%2%
420

statements classified

420 posts on X.

posts on X: 420 (100.0%)posts on X 420
Show the data
Baldacci's statements by source
PartValue
posts on X420
How to read the bars

The thick bar is Baldacci; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Democrats. A longer thick bar means Baldacci does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.

Extreme labels

Baldacci used extreme labels in 0.7% of statements, below the peer average. 3 statements, most often aimed at abortion bans; peers 0.8%.

  1. “MAGA”1
  2. “extreme”1

Who gets the labels

Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements

  1. abortion bans1
  2. Donald Trump1
  3. MAGA1
What an extreme label is

Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.

Month by month

Share of statements per month, the ME 2025–26 session

Statements2025-01: 262025-02: 212025-03: 222025-04: 202025-05: 122025-06: 162025-07: 162025-08: 92025-09: 132025-10: 92025-11: 92025-12: 142026-01: 342026-02: 172026-03: 252026-04: 222026-05: 262026-06: 172026-07: 462026-08: 262026-09: 82026-10: 12peak 46 · Jul ’26Personal attackspeak 6.3% · Jul ’25 · latest 0.0%Personal attacks, 2025-01: 0.0% of 26Personal attacks, 2025-02: 4.8% of 21Personal attacks, 2025-03: 0.0% of 22Personal attacks, 2025-04: 0.0% of 20Personal attacks, 2025-05: 0.0% of 12Personal attacks, 2025-06: 0.0% of 16Personal attacks, 2025-07: 6.3% of 16Personal attacks, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-09: 0.0% of 13Personal attacks, 2025-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-12: 0.0% of 14Personal attacks, 2026-01: 0.0% of 34Personal attacks, 2026-02: 0.0% of 17Personal attacks, 2026-03: 0.0% of 25Personal attacks, 2026-04: 0.0% of 22Personal attacks, 2026-05: 3.9% of 26Personal attacks, 2026-06: 0.0% of 17Personal attacks, 2026-07: 0.0% of 46Personal attacks, 2026-08: 0.0% of 26Personal attacks, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-10: 0.0% of 12Policy criticismpeak 28.6% · Feb ’25 · latest 0.0%Policy criticism, 2025-01: 19.2% of 26Policy criticism, 2025-02: 28.6% of 21Policy criticism, 2025-03: 13.6% of 22Policy criticism, 2025-04: 10.0% of 20Policy criticism, 2025-05: 25.0% of 12Policy criticism, 2025-06: 12.5% of 16Policy criticism, 2025-07: 25.0% of 16Policy criticism, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-09: 7.7% of 13Policy criticism, 2025-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-12: 7.1% of 14Policy criticism, 2026-01: 2.9% of 34Policy criticism, 2026-02: 17.6% of 17Policy criticism, 2026-03: 12.0% of 25Policy criticism, 2026-04: 9.1% of 22Policy criticism, 2026-05: 15.4% of 26Policy criticism, 2026-06: 0.0% of 17Policy criticism, 2026-07: 2.2% of 46Policy criticism, 2026-08: 0.0% of 26Policy criticism, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-10: 0.0% of 12Policy discussionpeak 81.8% · Mar ’25 · latest 58.3%Policy discussion, 2025-01: 61.5% of 26Policy discussion, 2025-02: 52.4% of 21Policy discussion, 2025-03: 81.8% of 22Policy discussion, 2025-04: 70.0% of 20Policy discussion, 2025-05: 75.0% of 12Policy discussion, 2025-06: 75.0% of 16Policy discussion, 2025-07: 50.0% of 16Policy discussion, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-09: 53.8% of 13Policy discussion, 2025-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-12: 50.0% of 14Policy discussion, 2026-01: 55.9% of 34Policy discussion, 2026-02: 35.3% of 17Policy discussion, 2026-03: 36.0% of 25Policy discussion, 2026-04: 63.6% of 22Policy discussion, 2026-05: 34.6% of 26Policy discussion, 2026-06: 23.5% of 17Policy discussion, 2026-07: 26.1% of 46Policy discussion, 2026-08: 80.8% of 26Policy discussion, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-10: 58.3% of 12Bipartisanshippeak 33.3% · May ’25 · latest 8.3%Bipartisanship, 2025-01: 11.5% of 26Bipartisanship, 2025-02: 9.5% of 21Bipartisanship, 2025-03: 9.1% of 22Bipartisanship, 2025-04: 5.0% of 20Bipartisanship, 2025-05: 33.3% of 12Bipartisanship, 2025-06: 25.0% of 16Bipartisanship, 2025-07: 0.0% of 16Bipartisanship, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-09: 23.1% of 13Bipartisanship, 2025-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-12: 7.1% of 14Bipartisanship, 2026-01: 11.8% of 34Bipartisanship, 2026-02: 5.9% of 17Bipartisanship, 2026-03: 0.0% of 25Bipartisanship, 2026-04: 4.5% of 22Bipartisanship, 2026-05: 0.0% of 26Bipartisanship, 2026-06: 0.0% of 17Bipartisanship, 2026-07: 4.3% of 46Bipartisanship, 2026-08: 3.9% of 26Bipartisanship, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-10: 8.3% of 12Credit claimingpeak 59.1% · Mar ’25 · latest 41.7%Credit claiming, 2025-01: 30.8% of 26Credit claiming, 2025-02: 28.6% of 21Credit claiming, 2025-03: 59.1% of 22Credit claiming, 2025-04: 50.0% of 20Credit claiming, 2025-05: 33.3% of 12Credit claiming, 2025-06: 43.8% of 16Credit claiming, 2025-07: 18.8% of 16Credit claiming, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-09: 7.7% of 13Credit claiming, 2025-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-12: 42.9% of 14Credit claiming, 2026-01: 17.6% of 34Credit claiming, 2026-02: 11.8% of 17Credit claiming, 2026-03: 28.0% of 25Credit claiming, 2026-04: 27.3% of 22Credit claiming, 2026-05: 11.5% of 26Credit claiming, 2026-06: 17.6% of 17Credit claiming, 2026-07: 21.7% of 46Credit claiming, 2026-08: 11.5% of 26Credit claiming, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-10: 41.7% of 12Extreme labelspeak 3.9% · May ’26 · latest 0.0%Extreme labels, 2025-01: 0.0% of 26Extreme labels, 2025-02: 0.0% of 21Extreme labels, 2025-03: 0.0% of 22Extreme labels, 2025-04: 0.0% of 20Extreme labels, 2025-05: 0.0% of 12Extreme labels, 2025-06: 0.0% of 16Extreme labels, 2025-07: 0.0% of 16Extreme labels, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-09: 0.0% of 13Extreme labels, 2025-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-12: 0.0% of 14Extreme labels, 2026-01: 2.9% of 34Extreme labels, 2026-02: 0.0% of 17Extreme labels, 2026-03: 0.0% of 25Extreme labels, 2026-04: 0.0% of 22Extreme labels, 2026-05: 3.9% of 26Extreme labels, 2026-06: 0.0% of 17Extreme labels, 2026-07: 0.0% of 46Extreme labels, 2026-08: 0.0% of 26Extreme labels, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-10: 0.0% of 12Jan ’25Jul ’25Jan ’26Jul ’26Oct ’26
Show the data
Monthly rates for Baldacci, each row shaded against its own peak, with statement volume. Months with fewer than 10 statements are left blank.
ColumnStatementsPersonal attacksPolicy criticismPolicy discussionBipartisanshipCredit claimingExtreme labels
Jan ’25260.0%19.2%61.5%11.5%30.8%0.0%
Feb ’25214.8%28.6%52.4%9.5%28.6%0.0%
Mar ’25220.0%13.6%81.8%9.1%59.1%0.0%
Apr ’25200.0%10.0%70.0%5.0%50.0%0.0%
May ’25120.0%25.0%75.0%33.3%33.3%0.0%
Jun ’25160.0%12.5%75.0%25.0%43.8%0.0%
Jul ’25166.3%25.0%50.0%0.0%18.8%0.0%
Aug ’259— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Sep ’25130.0%7.7%53.8%23.1%7.7%0.0%
Oct ’259— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Nov ’259— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Dec ’25140.0%7.1%50.0%7.1%42.9%0.0%
Jan ’26340.0%2.9%55.9%11.8%17.6%2.9%
Feb ’26170.0%17.6%35.3%5.9%11.8%0.0%
Mar ’26250.0%12.0%36.0%0.0%28.0%0.0%
Apr ’26220.0%9.1%63.6%4.5%27.3%0.0%
May ’26263.9%15.4%34.6%0.0%11.5%3.9%
Jun ’26170.0%0.0%23.5%0.0%17.6%0.0%
Jul ’26460.0%2.2%26.1%4.3%21.7%0.0%
Aug ’26260.0%0.0%80.8%3.9%11.5%0.0%
Sep ’268— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Oct ’26120.0%0.0%58.3%8.3%41.7%0.0%
How to read the strips

Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the ME 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 4 months are hatched here.

In Baldacci’s words

Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned

Bipartisanship

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Oct 8, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; bipartisanship; Education; Families; Health · Source

Personal attacks

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

May 14, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; policy discussion; Health; target: JD · Source

Extreme label

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

May 27, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · extreme label “MAGA” aimed at MAGA · Source

Examples by category

Up to five recent statements in each category

Category

Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.

  1. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · policy discussion · Health · target: JDSource

  2. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · target: TrumpSource

  3. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · target: GOPSource

All 420 statements

Newest first, the ME 2025–26 session

The full feed

Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 420 posts on X.

Back to topNext: Policy

Policy

Health is what Baldacci talks about most: 38% of policy statements, 2.2 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.66 on a 0–1 scale (State Senate Democrats average 0.56; 33rd of 228).

Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Baldacci talks about. The bills Baldacci sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.

What Baldacci talks about

Share of policy statements by area, the ME 2025–26 session

0%42%
Baldacci
Peers
Health86 statements
38%
17%
Economics and Public Finance46 statements
21%
10%
Government Operations and Politics35 statements
16%
14%
Education23 statements
10%
15%
Taxation20 statements
9%
3%
Show the data
Policy areas Baldacci talks about, as a share of policy statements, against the State Senate Democrats average.
RowBaldacciPeers
Health38%17%
Economics and Public Finance21%10%
Government Operations and Politics16%14%
Education10%15%
Taxation9%3%
How to read the bars

The thick bar is the share of Baldacci’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

Talks about · legislates on

Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 42%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Democrats averages.

Talks aboutLegislates onHealthHealth, talks about: 38% (State Senate Democrats 17%)38%Health, legislates on: 30% (State Senate Democrats 15%)30%Economics and Public FinanceEconomics and Public Finance, talks about: 21% (State Senate Democrats 10%)21%Economics and Public Finance, legislates on: 4% (State Senate Democrats 3%)4%Government Operations andPoliticsGovernment Operations and Politics, talks about: 16% (State Senate Democrats 14%)16%Government Operations and Politics, legislates on: 15% (State Senate Democrats 8%)15%EducationEducation, talks about: 10% (State Senate Democrats 15%)10%Education, legislates on: 7% (State Senate Democrats 9%)7%TaxationTaxation, talks about: 9% (State Senate Democrats 3%)9%Taxation, legislates on: 7% (State Senate Democrats 6%)7%
Show the data
Baldacci's share of statements against share of bills in each policy area.
AreaTalks aboutState Senate Democrats, talks aboutLegislates onState Senate Democrats, legislates on
Health38%17%30%15%
Economics and Public Finance21%10%4%3%
Government Operations and Politics16%14%15%8%
Education10%15%7%9%
Taxation9%3%7%6%
0.66

talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1

State Senate Democrats average 0.56. Ranks 33rd of 228.

What agreement means, and what it doesn’t

Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Baldacci legislates on exactly the areas Baldacci talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Baldacci sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.

Back to topNext: Ideology

Ideology

Baldacci sits at −0.38 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more conservative than 86% of State Senate Democrats. Approximate range −0.41 to −0.35, which understates the uncertainty; from 409 donors and 837 roll calls.

CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.

−0.38

CSIP ideal point

Approximate range −0.41 to −0.35. From 409 donors and 837 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.

← More liberalMore conservative →0Baldacci −0.4State Senate Democrats −0.7Maine Senate −0.5All State Senate +0.1

The outlined dot is Baldacci, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Baldacci’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.

What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.

Where Baldacci sits

Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale

−2.0−1.00.0+1.0+2.0← More liberalMore conservative →State Senate Democratsmedian −0.7Baldacci −0.4Maine Senatemedian −0.5All State Senatemedian +0.1
Show the data
Baldacci's CSIP score of −0.38 placed against State Senate Democrats, Maine Senate, All State Senate.
GroupOfficialsMedianShare left of Baldacci
State Senate Democrats825−0.786%
Maine Senate35−0.551%
All State Senate1909+0.137%
How to read the strips

Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Baldacci in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Baldacci.

Back to topNext: Money

Money

Baldacci reported $45.3K in the 2024 cycle, 2.8 times the State Senate Democrats’ median of $16.2K. State filings report no small-donation total. 99% of itemized individual money came from Maine.

Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.

Election cycle
$45.3K

itemized in the 2024 cycle

From 33 itemized donors. State Senate Democrats’ median $16.2K.

Where the money came from

Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2024 cycle.

Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)Individuals (itemized): $44.1K (97.3%)PACs and other committees: $1,200 (2.7%)PACs and other committees: $1,200 (2.7%)PACs and other committees: $1,200 (2.7%)
  • Individuals (itemized)97 squares$44.1K
  • PACs and other committees3 squares$1,200
Show the data
Sources of Baldacci's money, 2024 cycle, one square per percent
SourceAmountShare
Individuals (itemized)$44.1K97.3%
PACs and other committees$1,2002.7%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.

Receipts by cycle

Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2024. The grey line is the State Senate Democrats’ median for 2024.

2020 cycle: $86.9K$86.9K20202022 cycle: $60.0K$60.0K20222024 cycle: $45.3K$45.3K2024State Senate Democrats median $16.2K
Show the data
Baldacci's receipts by cycle against the 2024 State Senate Democrats median.
ItemValue
2020 cycle$86.9K
2022 cycle$60.0K
2024 cycle$45.3K

Top donor states, 2024

Itemized contributions by donor state. 99% came from Maine.

  1. Maine$43.7K
  2. Florida$250
  3. Massachusetts$100

Small donations

State filings report no total for small gifts.

Not reported in state filings.

Where itemized donors live

Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state

Alaska: no dataAKMaine: $43.7KMEVermont: no dataVTNew Hampshire: no dataNHWashington: no dataWAIdaho: no dataIDMontana: no dataMTNorth Dakota: no dataNDMinnesota: no dataMNIllinois: no dataILWisconsin: no dataWIMichigan: no dataMINew York: no dataNYRhode Island: no dataRIMassachusetts: $100MAOregon: no dataORNevada: no dataNVWyoming: no dataWYSouth Dakota: no dataSDIowa: no dataIAIndiana: no dataINOhio: no dataOHPennsylvania: no dataPANew Jersey: no dataNJConnecticut: no dataCTCalifornia: no dataCAUtah: no dataUTColorado: no dataCONebraska: no dataNEMissouri: no dataMOKentucky: no dataKYWest Virginia: no dataWVVirginia: no dataVAMaryland: no dataMDDelaware: no dataDEArizona: no dataAZNew Mexico: no dataNMKansas: no dataKSArkansas: no dataARTennessee: no dataTNNorth Carolina: no dataNCSouth Carolina: no dataSCDistrict of Columbia: no dataDCOklahoma: no dataOKLouisiana: no dataLAMississippi: no dataMSAlabama: no dataALGeorgia: no dataGAHawaii: no dataHITexas: no dataTXFlorida: $250FL
Show the data
Baldacci's itemized individual contributions by donor state, 2024 cycle
StateValue
Maine$43.7K
Florida$250
Massachusetts$100
AlaskaNo data
VermontNo data
New HampshireNo data
WashingtonNo data
IdahoNo data
MontanaNo data
North DakotaNo data
MinnesotaNo data
IllinoisNo data
WisconsinNo data
MichiganNo data
New YorkNo data
Rhode IslandNo data
OregonNo data
NevadaNo data
WyomingNo data
South DakotaNo data
IowaNo data
IndianaNo data
OhioNo data
PennsylvaniaNo data
New JerseyNo data
ConnecticutNo data
CaliforniaNo data
UtahNo data
ColoradoNo data
NebraskaNo data
MissouriNo data
KentuckyNo data
West VirginiaNo data
VirginiaNo data
MarylandNo data
DelawareNo data
ArizonaNo data
New MexicoNo data
KansasNo data
ArkansasNo data
TennesseeNo data
North CarolinaNo data
South CarolinaNo data
District of ColumbiaNo data
OklahomaNo data
LouisianaNo data
MississippiNo data
AlabamaNo data
GeorgiaNo data
HawaiiNo data
TexasNo data
33

itemized donors

People who gave more than $200

99%

from Maine

Of itemized individual dollars

How to read the map

Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Maine. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.

Top donor occupations

Itemized, 2024 cycle.

  1. ATTORNEY LEGAL$38.5K 4 donors
  2. OTHER$1,350 8 donors
  3. RETIRED$1,100 7 donors
  4. HEALTHCARE MEDICAL$825 3 donors

Top committees

PAC and committee contributions, 2024 cycle.

  1. MAINE ASSOCIATION OF REALTORS CORPORATE PAC$475
  2. MATTIE FOR MAINE$475
  3. MSEA PACER PAC$250

Top employers

Itemized, 2024 cycle.

  1. STATE OF MAINE$375 3 donors

Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.

Back to topNext: Votes

Votes

Baldacci voted with the majority of Maine Senate Democrats on 80% of party-line votes and missed 12% of 771 roll calls. Maine Senate on average: 93.5% party unity, 95.2% attendance. Across all roll calls, Baldacci voted against the majority of Maine Senate Democrats 132 times.

771 roll calls Baldacci could vote on in the ME 2025–26 session, compared with Maine Senate. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Baldacci voted with the majority of Maine Senate Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.

132

votes against the majority of Maine Senate Democrats

Party unity 80%, Maine Senate average 93.5%, ranks 33rd of 35. 771 roll calls in the ME 2025–26 session.

Attendance and party unity

The thick bar is Baldacci, the thin grey bar the Maine Senate average. The scale runs from 70% to 100% to show the gap.

70%100%
Baldacci
Peers
Rank
Attendance
88%
95.2%
32nd of 35
Party unity
80%
93.5%
33rd of 35
Show the data
Baldacci's attendance and party unity against Maine Senate.
RowBaldacciPeers
Attendance88%95.2%
Party unity80%93.5%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.

Key votes

25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the ME 2025–26 session

Key votes
Party split (yea–nay)Why it’s key
Apr 29, 2026
LD 127
An Act To Strengthen Legislative Oversight Of Government Agencies And Programs By Reaffirming The Legislature'S Access To Confidential Records
RECEDE AND CONCUR
YeaWith majoritypassD 10–9 · R 11–0 · I 1–0Democrats 10 yea, 9 nay; Republicans 11 yea, 0 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nayparty crossover
Apr 14, 2026
LD 299
An Act To Support Investment In Agriculture
ADOPT SENATE AMENDMENT (S-717) to COMMITTEE AMENDMENT
YeaAgainst majorityfailD 3–17 · R 14–0Democrats 3 yea, 17 nay; Republicans 14 yea, 0 nayclose vote · party crossover
Apr 14, 2026
LD 493
An Act To Expand Testing For Perfluoroalkyl And Polyfluoroalkyl Substances To Private Drinking Water Wells
ENACTMENT
YeaWith majoritypassD 20–0 · R 0–13 · I 1–0Democrats 20 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 0 yea, 13 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 naybecame law
Apr 14, 2026
LD 299
An Act To Support Investment In Agriculture
PASSAGE TO BE ENGROSSED AS AMENDED
YeaWith majoritypassD 20–0 · R 8–6 · I 1–0Democrats 20 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 8 yea, 6 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nayparty crossover
Apr 14, 2026
LD 2054
An Act To Clarify The Laws Regarding Moose Hunting Permits For Hunting Outfitters
RECEDE AND CONCUR
NayAgainst majoritypassD 12–8 · R 11–2 · I 1–0Democrats 12 yea, 8 nay; Republicans 11 yea, 2 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 naybecame law · party crossover
How key votes are chosen

Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.

Votes most often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Baldacci most often

  1. Tim NangleD629 shared votes82%
  2. Chip CurryD658 shared votes81%
  3. Mike TippingD674 shared votes80%
  4. Joe RaffertyD658 shared votes79%
  5. Henry IngwersenD677 shared votes79%

Votes least often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Baldacci least often

  1. Joe MartinR670 shared votes27%
  2. David HagganR675 shared votes28%
  3. Jeff TimberlakeR625 shared votes29%
  4. Trey StewartR629 shared votes30%
  5. Stacey GuerinR669 shared votes30%
How to read the agreement lists

The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.

Full voting record

ME 2025–26 session, loads in batches

Back to topNext: Legislation

Legislation

Baldacci sponsored 64 bills in the ME 2025–26 session; 16 became law. Cosponsored 88 others. 39% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Maine Senate average 69%; 32nd of 33).

The bills Baldacci sponsored and cosponsored in the ME 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.

Bills by stage

Counts for the ME 2025–26 session

Sponsored64 billsSponsored, Introduced: 6464Sponsored, In committee: 6464Sponsored, Passed one chamber: 2525Sponsored, Passed both chambers: 1717Sponsored, Became law: 1616Cosponsored88 billsCosponsored, Introduced: 8888Cosponsored, In committee: 8888Cosponsored, Passed one chamber: 5959Cosponsored, Passed both chambers: 4545Cosponsored, Became law: 3434IntroducedIncommitteePassed onechamberPassed bothchambersBecamelaw
Show the data
Bills Baldacci sponsored and cosponsored, by furthest stage reached
RoleIntroducedIn committeePassed one chamberPassed both chambersBecame law
Sponsored6464251716
Cosponsored8888594534
How to read the blocks

Ink blocks are bills Baldacci sponsored, ochre blocks bills Baldacci cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.

39%

of sponsored bills got out of committee

Maine Senate average 69%. Ranks 32nd of 33.

Cosponsorship partners

Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Baldacci, by number of shared bills in the ME 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.

  1. Joe Rafferty19
  2. Donna Bailey18
  3. Mike Tipping17
  4. Rick Bennett17
  5. Ambureen Rana15
What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Baldacci’s bills; the toggle shows more.

Bill list

Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest

Bills sponsored and cosponsored
LD 555An Act To Create A Separate Department Of Child And Family ServicesCosponsorApr 9, 2026Passed one chamberGovernment Operations and Politics(model)Sent for concurrence. ORDERED SENT FORTHWITH. Apr 29, 2026
LD 1803An Act To Amend The Laws Governing Optometric PracticeCosponsorApr 9, 2026Passed both chambersHealth(model)Placed in the Legislative Files. (DEAD) Apr 13, 2026
LD 2217An Act Related To The Electronic Tagging Of DeerSponsorApr 8, 2026Passed one chamberPublic Lands and Natural Resources(model)Placed in the Legislative Files. (DEAD) Apr 9, 2026
LD 350An Act Regarding The Operations Of The Department Of Inland Fisheries And WildlifeSponsorApr 6, 2026Became lawGovernment Operations and Politics(model)Became Law without Governor's Signature Apr 21, 2026
LD 2138Resolve, Authorizing The Department Of Administrative And Financial Services To Convey The Interests Of The State In Certain Real Property In BangorSponsorMar 25, 2026Became lawGovernment Operations and Politics(model)Signed by Governor Apr 6, 2026

Back to topNext: Online

Online

A site that has not changed in 90 days. Baldacci’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.

The lab crawls Baldacci’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Baldacci posts with a vision model.

Websites

How to read the counts

“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.

Images Baldacci posted

No images from Baldacci’s posts have been described.

About the descriptions

Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

State floor speeches

181 turns, Mar 11, 2021 to May 14, 2025

Floor speeches

Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.

Back to topNext: Methods and sources

Methods and sources

How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.

The headline

The headline is the measure on which Baldacci is most unusual among State Senate Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.

The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.

A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).

Identifiers

Profile id
34231d57-22e2-4f2f-be41-d2734fa6211f
Open States
ocd-person/34231d57-22e2-4f2f-be41-d2734fa6211f

Bulk files with the same data for every official:

Freshness of this profile’s data

  • What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
  • Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
  • Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
  • Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
  • Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
  • WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
  • State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.

How the measures work

What politicians say
Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
Extreme labels
A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
Policy areas and agreement
Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology (CSIP)
Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
Campaign money
Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
Votes and key votes
Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
Peers and ranks
Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.

America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab

Back to top