Agreement 0.66 on a 0–1 scale; the average for State Senate Republicans is 0.52. Ranks 21st of 226, where 1st is the closest match.
How closely the mix of policy areas in Tomczyk’s statements matches the mix in the bills Tomczyk sponsors and cosponsors: 1 means the same areas in the same proportions, 0 means no overlap. Ranked among State Senate Republicans.
6 measures against State Senate Republicans. Tomczyk sits at +0.64 on the CSIP scale, more conservative than 87% of State Senate Republicans. 67% of the 190 bills Tomczyk sponsored got out of committee, in the top half of the Wisconsin Senate.
The measures on which Tomczyk sits furthest from the middle of State Senate Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Talk-to-bills agreement
State Senate Republicans average 0.52 · ranks 21st of 226
CSIP ideology
More conservative than 87% of State Senate Republicans · ± 0.05
Party unity
Wisconsin Senate average 97.3% · ranks 5th of 32 · 0 votes against the majority of Wisconsin Senate Republicans
Out of committee
Wisconsin Senate average 43% · ranks 10th of 33
Itemized, 2026
State Senate Republicans’ median $46.2K · ranks 269th of 936
From Wisconsin, 2026
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 381st of 860 State Senate Republicans
Peer group: State Senate Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Tomczyk, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Tomczyk is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Tomczyk claims credit less than 75% of State Senate Republicans. Credit claiming in 5.6% of 179 statements, against 15% for the average State Senate Republican; 268th of 354.
An AI model reads each of Tomczyk’s 179 statements in the WI 2025–26 session (179 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Republicans and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the WI 2025–26 session
| Row | Tomczyk | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 49% | 37% |
| Policy criticism | 15% | 9% |
| Credit claiming | 6% | 15% |
| Bipartisanship | 4% | 2% |
| Personal attacks | 1% | 2% |
statements classified
179 posts on X.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 179 |
The thick bar is Tomczyk; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Republicans. A longer thick bar means Tomczyk does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Tomczyk used extreme labels in 2.8% of statements, 2.2 times the peer average. 5 statements, most often aimed at Democrats; peers 1.3%.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the WI 2025–26 session
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Feb ’25 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Mar ’25 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Apr ’25 | 14 | 0.0% | 7.1% | 42.9% | 7.1% | 0.0% | 7.1% |
| May ’25 | 14 | 7.1% | 21.4% | 57.1% | 7.1% | 14.3% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’25 | 14 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 35.7% | 7.1% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’25 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’25 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’25 | 8 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Oct ’25 | 10 | 0.0% | 30.0% | 60.0% | 0.0% | 10.0% | 20.0% |
| Nov ’25 | 13 | 7.7% | 30.8% | 38.5% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 7.7% |
| Dec ’25 | 8 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jan ’26 | 11 | 0.0% | 18.2% | 72.7% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 9.1% |
| Feb ’26 | 5 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Mar ’26 | 15 | 0.0% | 13.3% | 33.3% | 6.7% | 6.7% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’26 | 11 | 0.0% | 27.3% | 63.6% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| May ’26 | 15 | 0.0% | 13.3% | 53.3% | 0.0% | 13.3% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’26 | 12 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 16.7% | 8.3% | 8.3% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’26 | 8 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’26 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’26 | 7 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Oct ’26 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the WI 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 12 months are hatched here; 1 of them have no statements.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Nov 18, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; policy discussion; Immigration; extreme label “extreme” aimed at Democrat; target: Ryan Clancy · Source
Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Sep 23, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Commerce; Economics and Public Finance · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jan 21, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Education; Health; extreme label “radical” aimed at Democrats · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Immigration · extreme label “extreme” aimed at Democrat · target: Ryan ClancySource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Taxation · target: GovernorSource
Newest first, the WI 2025–26 session
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 179 posts on X.
Agriculture and Food is what Tomczyk talks about most: 18% of policy statements, 2.9 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.66 on a 0–1 scale (State Senate Republicans average 0.52; 21st of 226).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Tomczyk talks about. The bills Tomczyk sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
Share of policy statements by area, the WI 2025–26 session
| Row | Tomczyk | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Agriculture and Food | 18% | 6% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 18% | 17% |
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 13% | 12% |
| Education | 13% | 14% |
| Taxation | 10% | 7% |
The thick bar is the share of Tomczyk’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Republicans averages.
| Area | Talks about | State Senate Republicans, talks about | Legislates on | State Senate Republicans, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Agriculture and Food | 18% | 6% | 3% | 3% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 18% | 17% | 13% | 12% |
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 13% | 12% | 13% | 10% |
| Education | 13% | 14% | 10% | 10% |
| Taxation | 10% | 7% | 8% | 10% |
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State Senate Republicans average 0.52. Ranks 21st of 226.
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Tomczyk legislates on exactly the areas Tomczyk talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Tomczyk sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Tomczyk sits at +0.64 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more conservative than 87% of State Senate Republicans. Approximate range +0.59 to +0.69, which understates the uncertainty; from 408 donors and 348 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +0.59 to +0.69. From 408 donors and 348 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Tomczyk, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Tomczyk’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Tomczyk |
|---|---|---|---|
| State Senate Republicans | 1083 | +0.4 | 87% |
| Wisconsin Senate | 33 | +0.6 | 52% |
| All State Senate | 1909 | +0.1 | 92% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Tomczyk in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Tomczyk.
Tomczyk reported $116.5K in the 2026 cycle, 2.5 times the State Senate Republicans’ median of $46.2K. State filings report no small-donation total. 97% of itemized individual money came from Wisconsin.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 189 itemized donors. State Senate Republicans’ median $46.2K.
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $88.8K | 76.2% |
| PACs and other committees | $27.7K | 23.8% |
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Itemized contributions, 2022 to 2026. The grey line is the State Senate Republicans’ median for 2026.
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2022 cycle | $104.7K |
| 2024 cycle | $31.2K |
| 2026 cycle | $116.5K |
Itemized contributions by donor state. 97% came from Wisconsin.
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Wisconsin | $85.9K |
| Illinois | $1,500 |
| Michigan | $500 |
| Pennsylvania | $500 |
| Texas | $200 |
| Florida | $100 |
| South Carolina | $50 |
| Minnesota | $40 |
| Iowa | $20 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from Wisconsin
Of itemized individual dollars
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Wisconsin. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Tomczyk voted with the majority of Wisconsin Senate Republicans on 100% of party-line votes and missed none of 191 roll calls. Wisconsin Senate on average: 97.3% party unity, 99.8% attendance. Across all roll calls, Tomczyk never voted against the majority of Wisconsin Senate Republicans.
191 roll calls Tomczyk could vote on in the WI 2025–26 session, compared with Wisconsin Senate. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Tomczyk voted with the majority of Wisconsin Senate Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
votes against the majority of Wisconsin Senate Republicans
Party unity 100%, Wisconsin Senate average 97.3%, ranks 5th of 32. 191 roll calls in the WI 2025–26 session.
The thick bar is Tomczyk, the thin grey bar the Wisconsin Senate average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
| Row | Tomczyk | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 100% | 99.8% |
| Party unity | 100% | 97.3% |
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the WI 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Mar 17, 2026 | AB 911 Relating to: funding for a battery collection and recycling program and making an appropriation. (FE) CONCURRENCE | Yea | With majority | pass | D 15–0 · R 18–0Democrats 15 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 18 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| Mar 17, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 15–0 · R 16–2Democrats 15 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 16 yea, 2 nay | became law · party crossover · much discussed | |
| Mar 17, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 15–0 · R 15–3Democrats 15 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 15 yea, 3 nay | became law · party crossover | |
| Mar 17, 2026 | AB 604 Relating to: coverage under the Medical Assistance program for incarcerated individuals. (FE) CONCURRENCE | Yea | With majority | pass | D 15–0 · R 17–1Democrats 15 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 17 yea, 1 nay | became law |
| Mar 17, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 0–15 · R 17–1Democrats 0 yea, 15 nay; Republicans 17 yea, 1 nay | close vote |
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
The colleagues who voted the same way as Tomczyk most often
The colleagues who voted the same way as Tomczyk least often
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
WI 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Tomczyk sponsored 190 bills in the WI 2025–26 session; 23 became law. Cosponsored 0 others. 67% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Wisconsin Senate average 43%; 10th of 33).
The bills Tomczyk sponsored and cosponsored in the WI 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the WI 2025–26 session
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 190 | 190 | 66 | 42 | 23 |
| Cosponsored | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
Ink blocks are bills Tomczyk sponsored, ochre blocks bills Tomczyk cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Wisconsin Senate average 43%. Ranks 10th of 33.
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Tomczyk, by number of shared bills in the WI 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Tomczyk’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| SJR 133 | Relating to: reaffirming Wisconsin’s commitment to the strengthening and deepening of the sister ties between the State of Wisconsin and Taiwan, reaffirming Wisconsin’s support for the Taiwan Relations Act, supporting Taiwan’s signing of a Bilateral Trade Agreement with the United States, and contin | Sponsor | Feb 12, 2026 | Passed one chamber | International Affairs(model) | Failed to concur in pursuant to Senate Joint Resolution 1 Mar 23, 2026 |
| SB 994 | Relating to: public affairs network request for proposals. | Sponsor | Feb 11, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Government Operations and Politics(model) | Failed to concur in pursuant to Senate Joint Resolution 1 Mar 23, 2026 |
| SB 1 | Relating to: onetime individual income tax rebates. (FE) | Sponsor | Feb 11, 2026 | In committee | Taxation(model) | Failed to pass pursuant to Senate Joint Resolution 1 Mar 23, 2026 |
| SB 995 | Relating to: funding for individual income tax rebates and making an appropriation. (FE) | Sponsor | Feb 11, 2026 | In committee | Taxation(model) | Failed to pass pursuant to Senate Joint Resolution 1 Mar 23, 2026 |
| SB 986 | Relating to: requirements for state lottery drawings. (FE) | Sponsor | Feb 6, 2026 | In committee | Government Operations and Politics(model) | Failed to pass pursuant to Senate Joint Resolution 1 Mar 23, 2026 |
A site that has not changed in 90 days. Tomczyk’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Tomczyk’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Tomczyk posts with a vision model.
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
No images from Tomczyk’s posts have been described.
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which Tomczyk is most unusual among State Senate Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab
