Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Feb 13, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; credit claiming; Taxation · Source

12 posts on X in the MT 2025–26 session. No measure in the MT 2025–26 session stands far from the peer average.
Every post, press release, newsletter and floor speech the lab collected and ran through its classifier.
5 measures against State Senate Democrats. Dunwell sits at −0.71 on the CSIP scale, more liberal than 60% of State Senate Democrats. 93% of Dunwell’s itemized money in the 2026 cycle came from Montana, in the bottom half of State Senate Democrats. Dunwell reported $63.3K in the 2026 cycle, in the top half of State Senate Democrats (median $55.5K).
The measures on which Dunwell sits furthest from the middle of State Senate Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Attendance
Montana Senate average 98.9% · ranks 8th of 50 · 2,812 roll calls
Party unity
Montana Senate average 85% · ranks 13th of 50 · 270 votes against the majority of Montana Senate Democrats
CSIP ideology
More liberal than 60% of State Senate Democrats · ± 0.04
From Montana, 2026
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 371st of 714 State Senate Democrats
Itemized, 2026
State Senate Democrats’ median $55.5K · ranks 354th of 746
Statements
12 posts on X
Peer group: State Senate Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Dunwell, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Dunwell is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Dunwell stresses bipartisanship more than 98% of State Senate Democrats. Bipartisanship in 17% of 12 statements, against 3.4% for the average State Senate Democrat; 6th of 329.
An AI model reads each of Dunwell’s 12 statements in the MT 2025–26 session (12 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Democrats and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the MT 2025–26 session
| Row | Dunwell | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 83% | 43% |
| Credit claiming | 42% | 16% |
| Policy criticism | 25% | 10% |
| Bipartisanship | 17% | 3% |
| Personal attacks | 8% | 2% |
statements classified
12 posts on X.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 12 |
The thick bar is Dunwell; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Democrats. A longer thick bar means Dunwell does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Dunwell used no extreme labels in 12 statements. The peer average is 0.8%.
No extreme labels in this window.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
No targets recorded.
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the MT 2025–26 session
No month in this window has 10 or more statements, too few to chart month by month.
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the MT 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 22 months are hatched here; 20 of them have no statements.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Feb 13, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; credit claiming; Taxation · Source
Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Feb 17, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; target: Donald Trump · Source
Bipartisanship
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Feb 21, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; bipartisanship; Taxation · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Donald TrumpSource
Newest first, the MT 2025–26 session
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 12 posts on X.
Taxation is what Dunwell talks about most: 40% of policy statements, 13.0 times the peer share. Peers give it 3.1%. Agreement with legislation needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Dunwell talks about. The bills Dunwell sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
Share of policy statements by area, the MT 2025–26 session
| Row | Dunwell | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Taxation | 40% | 3% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 20% | 8% |
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 20% | 8% |
| Education | 20% | 15% |
| Health | 20% | 17% |
The thick bar is the share of Dunwell’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 100%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Democrats averages.
| Area | Talks about | State Senate Democrats, talks about | Legislates on | State Senate Democrats, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Taxation | 40% | 3% | 100% | 6% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 20% | 8% | 0% | 5% |
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 20% | 8% | 0% | 9% |
| Education | 20% | 15% | 0% | 9% |
| Health | 20% | 17% | 0% | 15% |
No agreement score.Needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills in the window.
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Dunwell legislates on exactly the areas Dunwell talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Dunwell sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Dunwell sits at −0.71 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more liberal than 60% of State Senate Democrats. Approximate range −0.76 to −0.67, which understates the uncertainty; from 509 donors and 900 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −0.76 to −0.67. From 509 donors and 900 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Dunwell, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Dunwell’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Dunwell |
|---|---|---|---|
| State Senate Democrats | 825 | −0.7 | 40% |
| Montana Senate | 50 | +0.2 | 4% |
| All State Senate | 1909 | +0.1 | 17% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Dunwell in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Dunwell.
Dunwell reported $63.3K in the 2026 cycle, close to the State Senate Democrats’ median of $55.5K. State filings report no small-donation total. 93% of itemized individual money came from Montana.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 365 itemized donors. State Senate Democrats’ median $55.5K.
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $59.2K | 93.5% |
| PACs and other committees | $2,410 | 3.8% |
| Party committees | $1,700 | 2.7% |
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State Senate Democrats’ median for 2026.
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $7,530 |
| 2022 cycle | $36.5K |
| 2026 cycle | $63.3K |
Itemized contributions by donor state. 93% came from Montana.
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Montana | $54.8K |
| California | $500 |
| Massachusetts | $470 |
| Connecticut | $470 |
| Maryland | $470 |
| Rhode Island | $450 |
| Pennsylvania | $250 |
| Washington | $200 |
| New York | $200 |
| Oregon | $200 |
| Florida | $200 |
| Minnesota | $157 |
| Kentucky | $125 |
| New Hampshire | $100 |
| Idaho | $100 |
| Utah | $100 |
| District of Columbia | $100 |
| Texas | $100 |
| Michigan | $50 |
| South Dakota | $50 |
| New Jersey | $50 |
| Missouri | $50 |
| Arkansas | $50 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from Montana
Of itemized individual dollars
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Montana. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Dunwell voted with the majority of Montana Senate Democrats on 95.8% of party-line votes and missed 0.1% of 2,812 roll calls. Montana Senate on average: 85% party unity, 98.9% attendance. Across all roll calls, Dunwell voted against the majority of Montana Senate Democrats 270 times.
2,812 roll calls Dunwell could vote on in the MT 2025–26 session, compared with Montana Senate. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Dunwell voted with the majority of Montana Senate Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
votes against the majority of Montana Senate Democrats
Party unity 95.8%, Montana Senate average 85%, ranks 13th of 50. 2,812 roll calls in the MT 2025–26 session.
The thick bar is Dunwell, the thin grey bar the Montana Senate average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
| Row | Dunwell | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 99.8% | 98.9% |
| Party unity | 95.8% | 85% |
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Roll calls the lab flags as key
No votes in this window met the key-vote rules.
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
The colleagues who voted the same way as Dunwell most often
The colleagues who voted the same way as Dunwell least often
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
MT 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Dunwell sponsored 1 bill in the MT 2025–26 session; none became law. Cosponsored 0 others.
The bills Dunwell sponsored and cosponsored in the MT 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the MT 2025–26 session
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 1 | 1 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| Cosponsored | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
Ink blocks are bills Dunwell sponsored, ochre blocks bills Dunwell cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
No effectiveness score.Too few sponsored bills to score (at least 5 are needed).
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Dunwell, by number of shared bills in the MT 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
No cosponsorship ties in this window.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Dunwell’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| SB 189 | Lower residential, commercial, and agricultural property tax rates | Sponsor | Jan 3, 2025 | In committee | Taxation(model) | (S) Died in Process May 23, 2025 |
A site that has not changed in 90 days. Dunwell’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Dunwell’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Dunwell posts with a vision model.
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
No images from Dunwell’s posts have been described.
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which Dunwell is most unusual among State Senate Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. That is the case for Dunwell in this window. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab