Policy discussion
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Sep 5, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Agriculture and Food; Environmental Protection · Source

Attendance 86%; the average within the Iowa Senate is 93.9%. Ranks 45th of 49, where 1st has the highest attendance. 589 roll calls in the IA 2025–26 session.
Attendance is the share of the roll calls Zumbach could vote on where a yea, nay or present was recorded, ranked within the Iowa Senate. A missed vote has many causes, from illness to campaigning; the number says how often, not why.
6 measures against the Iowa Senate. Zumbach sits at +0.61 on the CSIP scale, more conservative than 85% of State Senate Republicans. 100% of Zumbach’s itemized money in the 2026 cycle came from Iowa, in the top quarter of State Senate Republicans.
The measures on which Zumbach sits furthest from the middle of the Iowa Senate, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Attendance
Iowa Senate average 93.9% · ranks 45th of 49 · 589 roll calls
Party unity
Iowa Senate average 95.7% · ranks 5th of 49 · 0 votes against the majority of Iowa Senate Republicans
CSIP ideology
More conservative than 85% of State Senate Republicans · ± 0.06
From Iowa, 2026
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 136th of 860 State Senate Republicans
Out of committee
Iowa Senate average 11% · ranks 17th of 48
Itemized, 2026
State Senate Republicans’ median $46.2K · ranks 576th of 936
Peer group: Iowa Senate. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Zumbach, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Zumbach is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Zumbach criticizes policies less than 93% of State Senate Republicans. Policy criticism in 0% of 17 statements, against 9.5% for the average State Senate Republican; 331st of 354.
An AI model reads each of Zumbach’s 17 statements in the IA 2025–26 session (17 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Republicans and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the IA 2025–26 session
| Row | Zumbach | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 29% | 37% |
| Credit claiming | 18% | 15% |
| Personal attacks | 6% | 2% |
| Policy criticism | 0% | 9% |
| Bipartisanship | 0% | 2% |
statements classified
17 posts on X.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 17 |
The thick bar is Zumbach; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Republicans. A longer thick bar means Zumbach does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Zumbach used extreme labels in 12% of statements, 9.3 times the peer average. 2 statements, most often aimed at activist groups; peers 1.3%.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the IA 2025–26 session
No month in this window has 10 or more statements, too few to chart month by month.
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the IA 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 22 months are hatched here; 12 of them have no statements.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Policy discussion
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Sep 5, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Agriculture and Food; Environmental Protection · Source
Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 2, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; target: Josh Turek · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jul 10, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Agriculture and Food; extreme label “radical” aimed at CA's Prop 12 · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Josh TurekSource
Newest first, the IA 2025–26 session
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 17 posts on X.
Agriculture and Food is what Zumbach talks about most: 100% of policy statements, 16.1 times the peer share. Peers give it 6.2%. Agreement with legislation needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Zumbach talks about. The bills Zumbach sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
Share of policy statements by area, the IA 2025–26 session
| Row | Zumbach | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Agriculture and Food | 100% | 6% |
| Environmental Protection | 20% | 2% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 20% | 17% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 0% | 6% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 0% | 5% |
The thick bar is the share of Zumbach’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 100%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Republicans averages.
| Area | Talks about | State Senate Republicans, talks about | Legislates on | State Senate Republicans, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Agriculture and Food | 100% | 6% | 0% | 3% |
| Environmental Protection | 20% | 2% | 0% | 2% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 20% | 17% | 0% | 12% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 0% | 12% | 25% | 3% |
| Education | 0% | 14% | 50% | 10% |
No agreement score.Needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills in the window.
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Zumbach legislates on exactly the areas Zumbach talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Zumbach sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Zumbach sits at +0.61 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more conservative than 85% of State Senate Republicans. Approximate range +0.55 to +0.68, which understates the uncertainty; from 212 donors and 873 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +0.55 to +0.68. From 212 donors and 873 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Zumbach, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Zumbach’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Zumbach |
|---|---|---|---|
| State Senate Republicans | 1083 | +0.4 | 85% |
| Iowa Senate | 49 | +0.4 | 71% |
| All State Senate | 1909 | +0.1 | 91% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Zumbach in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Zumbach.
Zumbach reported $27.2K in the 2026 cycle, below the State Senate Republicans’ median of $46.2K. State filings report no small-donation total. 100% of itemized individual money came from Iowa.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 8 itemized donors. State Senate Republicans’ median $46.2K.
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $1,350 | 5.0% |
| PACs and other committees | $25.9K | 95.0% |
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State Senate Republicans’ median for 2026.
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $169.0K |
| 2022 cycle | $40.1K |
| 2024 cycle | $127.9K |
| 2026 cycle | $27.2K |
Itemized contributions by donor state. 100% came from Iowa.
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Iowa | $1,350 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
| Florida | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from Iowa
Of itemized individual dollars
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Iowa. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No occupations reported.
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Zumbach voted with the majority of Iowa Senate Republicans on 100% of party-line votes and missed 14% of 589 roll calls. Iowa Senate on average: 95.7% party unity, 93.9% attendance. Across all roll calls, Zumbach never voted against the majority of Iowa Senate Republicans.
589 roll calls Zumbach could vote on in the IA 2025–26 session, compared with Iowa Senate. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Zumbach voted with the majority of Iowa Senate Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
votes against the majority of Iowa Senate Republicans
Party unity 100%, Iowa Senate average 95.7%, ranks 5th of 49. 589 roll calls in the IA 2025–26 session.
The thick bar is Zumbach, the thin grey bar the Iowa Senate average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
| Row | Zumbach | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 86% | 93.9% |
| Party unity | 100% | 95.7% |
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the IA 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Oct 2, 2026 | HF 2801 A bill for an act modifying the major economic growth attraction program, and including effective date provisions. Shall the bill pass? | Yea | With majority | pass | D 2–13 · R 26–6Democrats 2 yea, 13 nay; Republicans 26 yea, 6 nay | became law · party crossover |
| May 3, 2026 | SF 2472 A bill for an act relating to state and local government taxes, fees, financial authority, and budgets, by modifying property assessment provisions, divisions of revenue, and funding from the secure an advanced vision for education fund, establishing a program for first-time homebuyers, modifying an Shall the bill pass? | Yea | With majority | pass | D 11–1 · R 30–0Democrats 11 yea, 1 nay; Republicans 30 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| May 3, 2026 | HF 2788 A bill for an act relating to abortions including definitions, informed consent, dispensing of abortion-inducing drugs, and other abortion-related provisions. Shall the bill pass? | Yea | With majority | pass | D 0–11 · R 30–0Democrats 0 yea, 11 nay; Republicans 30 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| May 2, 2026 | HF 2765 A bill for an act providing for the regulation of mining, making penalties applicable, and including effective date provisions. Shall the bill pass? | Yea | With majority | pass | D 15–0 · R 31–0Democrats 15 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 31 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| May 2, 2026 | HF 1036 A bill for an act relating to human trafficking, including screening children, civil statutes of limitations, an annual stakeholder meeting and report, depositions of victims, restitution, restorative facilities and protective services, and investigation and prosecution, and including effective date Shall the bill pass? | Yea | With majority | pass | D 14–0 · R 31–0Democrats 14 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 31 yea, 0 nay | became law |
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
The colleagues who voted the same way as Zumbach most often
The colleagues who voted the same way as Zumbach least often
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
IA 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Zumbach sponsored 8 bills in the IA 2025–26 session; none became law. Cosponsored 0 others. 13% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Iowa Senate average 11%; 17th of 48).
The bills Zumbach sponsored and cosponsored in the IA 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the IA 2025–26 session
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 8 | 8 | 1 | 0 | 0 |
| Cosponsored | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
Ink blocks are bills Zumbach sponsored, ochre blocks bills Zumbach cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Iowa Senate average 11%. Ranks 17th of 48.
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Zumbach, by number of shared bills in the IA 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Zumbach’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| SF 2251 | A bill for an act relating to the authority of combined recreational lake and water quality districts when issuing bonds. | Sponsor | Feb 10, 2026 | In committee | Economics and Public Finance(model) | Subcommittee recommends passage. Feb 16, 2026 |
| SR 104 | A resolution recognizing and honoring the Young Men’s Christian Association | Sponsor | Jan 21, 2026 | In committee | Unassigned | Introduced, referred to Rules and Administration. Jan 21, 2026 |
| SR 102 | A resolution honoring and congratulating barbecue chef and pitmaster Thyron Mathews for his appearance as a competitor on the reality television cooking competition BBQ Brawl. | Sponsor | Jan 20, 2026 | In committee | Unassigned | Introduced, referred to Rules and Administration. Jan 20, 2026 |
| SR 101 | A resolution honoring Staff Sergeant William Nathaniel Howard, Staff Sergeant Edgar Brian Torres-Tovar, and their families. | Sponsor | Jan 14, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Resolution adopted. Jan 15, 2026 |
| SF 348 | A bill for an act exempting certain structures from inclusion in property assessments, and including effective date and retroactive applicability provisions. | Sponsor | Feb 18, 2025 | In committee | Taxation(model) | Subcommittee recommends amendment and passage. Mar 25, 2025 |
A site that has not changed in 90 days. Zumbach’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Zumbach’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Zumbach posts with a vision model.
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
No images from Zumbach’s posts have been described.
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
53 turns, Jan 12, 2026 to May 2, 2026
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which Zumbach is most unusual among Iowa Senate, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab