Policy discussion
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 5, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Education; Labor and Employment · Source
73
votes against the majority of North Dakota Senate Republicans
Party unity 66%, in the bottom tenth of the North Dakota Senate (average 79%). 998 roll calls in the ND 2025–26 session.
Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Davison voted with the majority of North Dakota Senate Republicans; it is ranked within the North Dakota Senate. The count covers every roll call where Davison voted opposite that majority.
At a glance
5 measures against State Senate Republicans. Davison sits at +0.27 on the CSIP scale, more liberal than 64% of State Senate Republicans. Davison missed 1.5% of 998 roll calls, attendance in the bottom half of the North Dakota Senate (average 98.3%).
The measures on which Davison sits furthest from the middle of State Senate Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Party unity
66%
North Dakota Senate average 79% · ranks 42nd of 46 · 73 votes against the majority of North Dakota Senate Republicans
CSIP ideology
+0.27
More liberal than 64% of State Senate Republicans · ± 0.04
Attendance
98.5%
North Dakota Senate average 98.3% · ranks 29th of 46 · 998 roll calls
From North Dakota, 2026
96%
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 397th of 860 State Senate Republicans
Itemized, 2026
$40.4K
State Senate Republicans’ median $46.2K · ranks 498th of 936
Statements
14
14 posts on X
Peer group: State Senate Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Davison, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Davison is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Davison says
Davison claims credit less than 96% of State Senate Republicans. Credit claiming in 0% of 14 statements, against 15% for the average State Senate Republican; 342nd of 354.
An AI model reads each of Davison’s 14 statements in the ND 2025–26 session (14 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Republicans and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the ND 2025–26 session
0%80%
Davison
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion1 statements
7%
37%
336th of 354
Personal attacks0 statements
0%
2%
272nd of 354
Policy criticism0 statements
0%
9%
331st of 354
Bipartisanship0 statements
0%
2%
311th of 354
Credit claiming0 statements
0%
15%
342nd of 354
Show the data
| Row | Davison | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 7% | 37% |
| Personal attacks | 0% | 2% |
| Policy criticism | 0% | 9% |
| Bipartisanship | 0% | 2% |
| Credit claiming | 0% | 15% |
14
statements classified
14 posts on X.
Show the data
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 14 |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is Davison; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Republicans. A longer thick bar means Davison does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Davison used no extreme labels in 14 statements. The peer average is 1.3%.
No extreme labels in this window.
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
No targets recorded.
What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the ND 2025–26 session
No month in this window has 10 or more statements, too few to chart month by month.
How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the ND 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 22 months are hatched here; 11 of them have no statements.
In Davison’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
No statements in this category in this window.
All 14 statements
Newest first, the ND 2025–26 session
The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 14 posts on X.
Policy
Education is what Davison talks about most: 100% of policy statements, 7.4 times the peer share. Peers give it 14%. Agreement with legislation needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Davison talks about. The bills Davison sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What Davison talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the ND 2025–26 session
0%100%
Davison
Peers
Education1 statements
100%
14%
Labor and Employment1 statements
100%
3%
Agriculture and Food0 statements
0%
6%
Armed Forces and National Security0 statements
0%
6%
Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues0 statements
0%
5%
Show the data
| Row | Davison | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Education | 100% | 14% |
| Labor and Employment | 100% | 3% |
| Agriculture and Food | 0% | 6% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 0% | 6% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 0% | 5% |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of Davison’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 100%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Republicans averages.
Show the data
| Area | Talks about | State Senate Republicans, talks about | Legislates on | State Senate Republicans, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Education | 100% | 14% | 38% | 10% |
| Labor and Employment | 100% | 3% | 3% | 3% |
| Commerce | 0% | 4% | 3% | 3% |
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 0% | 12% | 13% | 10% |
| Emergency Management | 0% | 3% | 3% | 1% |
No agreement score.Needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills in the window.
What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Davison legislates on exactly the areas Davison talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Davison sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology
Davison sits at +0.27 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more liberal than 64% of State Senate Republicans. Approximate range +0.23 to +0.32, which understates the uncertainty; from 14 donors and 581 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
+0.27
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +0.23 to +0.32. From 14 donors and 581 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Davison, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Davison’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Davison sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
State Senate Republicans1,083 · median +0.4
North Dakota Senate47 · median +0.1
All State Senate1,909 · median +0.1
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Davison |
|---|---|---|---|
| State Senate Republicans | 1083 | +0.4 | 36% |
| North Dakota Senate | 47 | +0.1 | 79% |
| All State Senate | 1909 | +0.1 | 63% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Davison in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Davison.
Money
Davison reported $40.4K in the 2026 cycle, close to the State Senate Republicans’ median of $46.2K. State filings report no small-donation total. 96% of itemized individual money came from North Dakota.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
$40.4K
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 11 itemized donors. State Senate Republicans’ median $46.2K.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
- Individuals (itemized)17 squares$7,000
- PACs and other committees74 squares$29.8K
- Party committees9 squares$3,633
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $7,000 | 17.3% |
| PACs and other committees | $29.8K | 73.7% |
| Party committees | $3,633 | 9.0% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Receipts by cycle
Itemized contributions, 2022 to 2026. The grey line is the State Senate Republicans’ median for 2026.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2022 cycle | $7,000 |
| 2026 cycle | $40.4K |
Top donor states, 2026
Itemized contributions by donor state. 96% came from North Dakota.
- North Dakota$6,750
- Minnesota$250
Small donations
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| North Dakota | $6,750 |
| Minnesota | $250 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
| Florida | No data |
11
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
96%
from North Dakota
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is North Dakota. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No occupations reported.
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
- ND SENATE REPUBLICAN CAUCUS (NDSR)$13.0K
- ARMSTRONG, KELLY$5,000
- NORTH DAKOTA REPUBLICAN PARTY - DISTRICT 41$3,407
- ND SENATE MAJORITY LEADERSHIP FUND$2,500
- BLUE CROSS BLUE SHIELD ND PAC (BCBSND) (HEALTHPAC)$2,000
Top employers
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
Davison voted with the majority of North Dakota Senate Republicans on 66% of party-line votes and missed 1.5% of 998 roll calls. North Dakota Senate on average: 79% party unity, 98.3% attendance. Across all roll calls, Davison voted against the majority of North Dakota Senate Republicans 73 times.
998 roll calls Davison could vote on in the ND 2025–26 session, compared with North Dakota Senate. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Davison voted with the majority of North Dakota Senate Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
73
votes against the majority of North Dakota Senate Republicans
Party unity 66%, North Dakota Senate average 79%, ranks 42nd of 46. 998 roll calls in the ND 2025–26 session.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Davison, the thin grey bar the North Dakota Senate average. The scale runs from 60% to 100% to show the gap.
60%100%
Davison
Peers
Rank
Attendance
98.5%
98.3%
29th of 46
Party unity
66%
79%
42nd of 46
Show the data
| Row | Davison | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 98.5% | 98.3% |
| Party unity | 66% | 79% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the ND 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sep 4, 2026 | HB 1628 AN ACT to create and enact a new subdivision to subsection 2 of section 12-60-24, subdivision lll of subsection 3 of section 19-03.1-05, and chapter 51-38 of the North Dakota Century Code, relating to criminal history record checks, the scheduling of kratom alkaloid derivatives as a schedule I contr Motion for Final Passage on HB 1628 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 5–0 · R 41–0Democrats 5 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 41 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| Sep 3, 2026 | SB 2407 AN ACT to provide an appropriation to the state historical society for the North Dakota military museum project; to amend and reenact section 55-01-02.1 of the North Dakota Century Code, relating to jurisdiction of the heritage center; to repeal subsection 3 of section 6 of chapter 17 of the 2025 Se Motion for Final Passage on SB 2407 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 2–3 · R 37–5Democrats 2 yea, 3 nay; Republicans 37 yea, 5 nay | became law · party crossover |
| Sep 3, 2026 | SB 2405 A BILL for an Act to amend and reenact subsection 1 of section 57-02-08.9, section 57-20-09, and subsection 1 of section 57-55-03 of the North Dakota Century Code, relating to the order of application of the primary residence credit and discount for early payment of tax; and to provide an effective Motion for Final Passage on SB 2405 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 4–1 · R 23–19Democrats 4 yea, 1 nay; Republicans 23 yea, 19 nay | party crossover |
| Sep 3, 2026 | SB 2406 A BILL for an Act to create and enact chapter 44-04.1 of the North Dakota Century Code, relating to prohibiting agencies from entering nondisclosure agreements concerning data centers and industrial projects; to provide a penalty; to provide an effective date; and to provide an expiration date. Motion for Final Passage on SB 2406 | Yea | Against majority | fail | D 5–0 · R 10–32Democrats 5 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 10 yea, 32 nay | party crossover |
| Jan 23, 2026 | HB 1621 AN ACT to amend and reenact subsection 1 of section 15.1-21-01 and section 15.1-21-02 of the North Dakota Century Code, relating to requiring the presidential physical fitness test in physical education courses in elementary, middle, and high schools and providing exceptions to the test; and to prov Motion for Final Passage on HB 1621 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 4–1 · R 39–2Democrats 4 yea, 1 nay; Republicans 39 yea, 2 nay | became law |
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Davison most often
- Brad BekkedahlR904 shared votes93%
- Michelle AxtmanR939 shared votes93%
- Ron SorvaagR981 shared votes93%
- Robert ErbeleR962 shared votes92%
- Jeff BartaR971 shared votes92%
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Davison least often
- Jeff MagrumR983 shared votes64%
- Mark EngetR983 shared votes83%
- Keith BoehmR974 shared votes83%
- Michelle PowersR982 shared votes83%
- Janne MyrdalR946 shared votes84%
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
ND 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Legislation
Davison sponsored 3 bills in the ND 2025–26 session; 1 became law. Cosponsored 29 others.
The bills Davison sponsored and cosponsored in the ND 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the ND 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 3 | 3 | 3 | 3 | 1 |
| Cosponsored | 29 | 29 | 22 | 18 | 18 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Davison sponsored, ochre blocks bills Davison cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
No effectiveness score.Too few sponsored bills to score (at least 5 are needed).
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Davison, by number of shared bills in the ND 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
- Greg Stemen11
- Cindy Schreiber-Beck9
- Glenn Bosch7
- Kristin Roers7
- Jason Dockter6
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Davison’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| HCR 3038 | A concurrent resolution to recognize and congratulate the Young Men's Christian Association on its 175th anniversary. | Cosponsor | Jan 21, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Filed with Secretary Of State 01/23 Jan 23, 2026 |
| SB 2353 | AN ACT to amend and reenact sections 15.1-09.1-02.1 and 54-44.4-02 of the North Dakota Century Code, relating to regional education associations. | Sponsor | Jan 24, 2025 | Became law | Education(model) | Filed with Secretary Of State 03/31 Apr 1, 2025 |
| HB 1547 | AN ACT to create a committee to study special education funding during the 2025-26 interim; and to provide for a legislative management report. | Cosponsor | Jan 20, 2025 | Became law | Education(model) | Filed with Secretary Of State 03/24 Mar 25, 2025 |
| HB 1530 | AN ACT to provide for a legislative management study on the circumstances and needs of special education teachers and the related special education teacher shortage. | Cosponsor | Jan 20, 2025 | Became law | Education(model) | Filed with Secretary Of State 04/03 Apr 7, 2025 |
| SB 2324 | AN ACT to create and enact a new section to chapter 11-09.1 and a new section to chapter 40-05.1 of the North Dakota Century Code, relating to a county home rule charter and city home rule charter conforming with statute or court order; and to amend and reenact sections 11-09.1-06 and 40-05.1-07 of | Cosponsor | Jan 20, 2025 | Became law | Government Operations and Politics(model) | Filed with Secretary Of State 03/25 Mar 26, 2025 |
Online
A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Davison’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Davison’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Davison posts with a vision model.
Websites
- 1
pages crawled
1changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
Images Davison posted
No images from Davison’s posts have been described.
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
State floor speeches
243 turns, Jan 14, 2021 to May 1, 2025
Floor speeches
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Davison is most unusual among State Senate Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- 4412269d-782d-4ea2-a649-e62a30cd1739
- Open States
- ocd-person/4412269d-782d-4ea2-a649-e62a30cd1739
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
- Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
- Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab