Bipartisanship
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Sep 18, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; bipartisanship; International Affairs; Law · Source

Agreement 0.33 on a 0–1 scale; the average for State House Democrats is 0.54. Ranks 475th of 503, where 1st is the closest match.
How closely the mix of policy areas in Scholten’s statements matches the mix in the bills Scholten sponsors and cosponsors: 1 means the same areas in the same proportions, 0 means no overlap. Ranked among State House Democrats.
6 measures against State House Democrats. 56% of Scholten’s itemized money in the 2026 cycle came from Iowa, in the bottom quarter of State House Democrats. 2.0% of Scholten’s statements claim credit, in the bottom quarter of State House Democrats (average 14%).
The measures on which Scholten sits furthest from the middle of State House Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Talk-to-bills agreement
State House Democrats average 0.54 · ranks 475th of 503
From Iowa, 2026
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 1784th of 1,983 State House Democrats
Credit claiming
State House Democrats average 14% · ranks 642nd of 764
CSIP ideology
More liberal than 83% of State House Democrats · ± 0.04
Out of committee
Iowa House average 13% · ranks 81st of 98
Itemized, 2026
State House Democrats’ median $40.4K · ranks 1720th of 2,082
Peer group: State House Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Scholten, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Scholten is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Scholten claims credit less than 83% of State House Democrats. Credit claiming in 2.0% of 1,491 statements, against 14% for the average State House Democrat; 642nd of 764.
An AI model reads each of Scholten’s 1,491 statements in the IA 2025–26 session (1,491 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Democrats and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the IA 2025–26 session
| Row | Scholten | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 25% | 39% |
| Policy criticism | 11% | 10% |
| Personal attacks | 3% | 3% |
| Credit claiming | 2% | 14% |
| Bipartisanship | 1% | 3% |
statements classified
1,491 posts on X.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 1,491 |
The thick bar is Scholten; the thin grey bar is the average State House Democrats. A longer thick bar means Scholten does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Scholten used extreme labels in 0.2% of statements, 21% of the peer average. 3 statements, most often aimed at 6 week abortion ban; peers 1.0%.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the IA 2025–26 session
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Feb ’25 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Mar ’25 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Apr ’25 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| May ’25 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jun ’25 | 27 | 25.9% | 37.0% | 63.0% | 3.7% | 7.4% | 3.7% |
| Jul ’25 | 65 | 4.6% | 44.6% | 56.9% | 3.1% | 4.6% | 3.1% |
| Aug ’25 | 49 | 2.0% | 22.4% | 38.8% | 2.0% | 16.3% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’25 | 59 | 1.7% | 23.7% | 35.6% | 0.0% | 3.4% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’25 | 73 | 1.4% | 28.8% | 35.6% | 2.7% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Nov ’25 | 173 | 1.2% | 4.6% | 7.5% | 0.6% | 1.2% | 0.0% |
| Dec ’25 | 125 | 4.8% | 2.4% | 23.2% | 1.6% | 1.6% | 0.0% |
| Jan ’26 | 97 | 2.1% | 1.0% | 29.9% | 0.0% | 2.1% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’26 | 110 | 0.0% | 8.2% | 14.5% | 0.0% | 3.6% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’26 | 150 | 1.3% | 11.3% | 17.3% | 2.0% | 0.7% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’26 | 37 | 2.7% | 16.2% | 13.5% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| May ’26 | 38 | 0.0% | 13.2% | 15.8% | 0.0% | 5.3% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’26 | 90 | 1.1% | 10.0% | 11.1% | 1.1% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’26 | 50 | 2.0% | 6.0% | 14.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’26 | 74 | 4.0% | 4.0% | 32.4% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’26 | 137 | 2.9% | 5.1% | 32.1% | 2.2% | 0.7% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’26 | 137 | 2.9% | 3.6% | 29.2% | 0.0% | 0.7% | 0.0% |
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the IA 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 5 months are hatched here; none has any statements.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Bipartisanship
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Sep 18, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; bipartisanship; International Affairs; Law · Source
Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 17, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · credit claiming · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jul 29, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Health; extreme label “extreme” aimed at Billionaire Bailout Bill, 6 week abortion ban · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Energy · target: TrumpSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Joe MitchellSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Government Operations and Politics · target: Ashley HinsonSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Foreign Trade and International Finance · Economics and Public Finance · Armed Forces and National Security · International Affairs · target: HinsonSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: same peopleSource
Newest first, the IA 2025–26 session
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 1,491 posts on X.
Agriculture and Food is what Scholten talks about most: 43% of policy statements, 9.3 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.33 on a 0–1 scale (State House Democrats average 0.54; 475th of 503).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Scholten talks about. The bills Scholten sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
Share of policy statements by area, the IA 2025–26 session
| Row | Scholten | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Agriculture and Food | 43% | 5% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 17% | 15% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 14% | 11% |
| Commerce | 13% | 3% |
| Foreign Trade and International Finance | 11% | 1% |
The thick bar is the share of Scholten’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 47%. Grey ticks are the State House Democrats averages.
| Area | Talks about | State House Democrats, talks about | Legislates on | State House Democrats, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Agriculture and Food | 43% | 5% | 8% | 3% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 17% | 15% | 10% | 8% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 14% | 11% | 3% | 2% |
| Commerce | 13% | 3% | 0% | 4% |
| Foreign Trade and International Finance | 11% | 1% | 0% | 0% |
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State House Democrats average 0.54. Ranks 475th of 503.
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Scholten legislates on exactly the areas Scholten talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Scholten sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Scholten sits at −0.89 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more liberal than 83% of State House Democrats. Approximate range −0.93 to −0.84, which understates the uncertainty; from 1,867 donors and 529 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −0.93 to −0.84. From 1,867 donors and 529 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Scholten, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Scholten’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Scholten |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Democrats | 2392 | −0.6 | 17% |
| Iowa House | 99 | +0.4 | 4% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 8% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Scholten in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Scholten.
Scholten reported $7,508 in the 2026 cycle, 19% of the State House Democrats’ median of $40.4K. State filings report no small-donation total. 56% of itemized individual money came from Iowa.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 112 itemized donors. State House Democrats’ median $40.4K.
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $5,408 | 72.0% |
| PACs and other committees | $2,100 | 28.0% |
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Itemized contributions, 2022 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Democrats’ median for 2026.
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2022 cycle | $131.4K |
| 2024 cycle | $106.0K |
| 2026 cycle | $7,508 |
Itemized contributions by donor state. 56% came from Iowa.
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Iowa | $3,028 |
| Missouri | $675 |
| Washington | $258 |
| California | $241 |
| Illinois | $210 |
| Texas | $193 |
| Florida | $191 |
| Pennsylvania | $110 |
| New York | $90 |
| Alaska | $60 |
| Hawaii | $60 |
| Minnesota | $55 |
| Ohio | $50 |
| District of Columbia | $50 |
| Michigan | $30 |
| New Mexico | $30 |
| Massachusetts | $25 |
| Colorado | $25 |
| Indiana | $12 |
| Virginia | $5 |
| North Carolina | $5 |
| Connecticut | $3 |
| Nevada | $2 |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from Iowa
Of itemized individual dollars
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Iowa. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No occupations reported.
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Scholten voted with the majority of Iowa House Democrats on 95.6% of party-line votes and missed 8.8% of 822 roll calls. Iowa House on average: 96.0% party unity, 91.8% attendance. Across all roll calls, Scholten voted against the majority of Iowa House Democrats 28 times.
822 roll calls Scholten could vote on in the IA 2025–26 session, compared with Iowa House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Scholten voted with the majority of Iowa House Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
votes against the majority of Iowa House Democrats
Party unity 95.6%, Iowa House average 96.0%, ranks 74th of 98. 822 roll calls in the IA 2025–26 session.
The thick bar is Scholten, the thin grey bar the Iowa House average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
| Row | Scholten | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 91.2% | 91.8% |
| Party unity | 95.6% | 96.0% |
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the IA 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Oct 2, 2026 | HF 2801 A bill for an act modifying the major economic growth attraction program, and including effective date provisions. Shall the bill pass? | Nay | Against majority | pass | D 16–15 · R 59–2Democrats 16 yea, 15 nay; Republicans 59 yea, 2 nay | became law · party crossover |
| May 2, 2026 | SF 639 A bill for an act creating a specialty business court, and including effective date provisions. Shall amendment H-8456 be adopted? | Did not vote | — | fail | D 0–27 · R 8–50Democrats 0 yea, 27 nay; Republicans 8 yea, 50 nay | became law · party crossover |
| May 2, 2026 | HF 2770 A bill for an act relating to and making appropriations to the justice system, providing fees, and including applicability provisions. Shall amendment H-8451, to amendment H-8414, be adopted? | Did not vote | — | pass | D 27–0 · R 55–3Democrats 27 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 55 yea, 3 nay | became law |
| May 2, 2026 | SF 2480 A bill for an act relating to the taxation and regulation of alternative nicotine products and vapor products, making appropriations, and including effective date provisions. Shall the bill pass? | Did not vote | — | pass | D 14–13 · R 53–5Democrats 14 yea, 13 nay; Republicans 53 yea, 5 nay | became law · party crossover |
| May 2, 2026 | SF 2465 A bill for an act relating to agriculture, including by providing for the powers and duties of the department of agriculture and land stewardship, including the promotion and regulation of commodities and products, the regulation of the transportation of agricultural items, the use of agricultural l Shall the bill pass? | Did not vote | — | pass | D 22–3 · R 59–1Democrats 22 yea, 3 nay; Republicans 59 yea, 1 nay | became law · party crossover |
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
The colleagues who voted the same way as Scholten most often
The colleagues who voted the same way as Scholten least often
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
IA 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Scholten sponsored 41 bills in the IA 2025–26 session; none became law. Cosponsored 0 others. 4.9% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Iowa House average 13%; 81st of 98).
The bills Scholten sponsored and cosponsored in the IA 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the IA 2025–26 session
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 41 | 41 | 2 | 0 | 0 |
| Cosponsored | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
Ink blocks are bills Scholten sponsored, ochre blocks bills Scholten cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Iowa House average 13%. Ranks 81st of 98.
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Scholten, by number of shared bills in the IA 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Scholten’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| HF 2740 | A bill for an act relating to the confidentiality of certain information filed with the secretary of state by foreign persons holding agricultural land. | Sponsor | Mar 17, 2026 | In committee | Agriculture and Food(model) | Introduced, referred to State Government. Mar 17, 2026 |
| HF 2734 | A bill for an act providing for the processing and marketing of meat and poultry products, including by prohibiting vertical integration, providing for a health and safety program, and providing for the divestiture of interests in processors by certain retailers, and providing penalties. | Sponsor | Mar 9, 2026 | In committee | Agriculture and Food(model) | Introduced, referred to Agriculture. Mar 9, 2026 |
| HF 2733 | A bill for an act relating to water quality, including a water quality monitoring network and the water quality initiative, an agricultural best management practices tax credit, an Iowa clean water farm program and property tax credit, and water quality practices loans, making appropriations, and in | Sponsor | Mar 9, 2026 | In committee | Environmental Protection(model) | Introduced, referred to Ways and Means. Mar 9, 2026 |
| HF 2737 | A bill for an act relating to the education savings account program, including modifying eligibility provisions, providing a future repeal date, and including effective date and applicability provisions. | Sponsor | Mar 9, 2026 | In committee | Education(model) | Introduced, referred to Education. Mar 9, 2026 |
| HF 2612 | A bill for an act requiring boards of directors of school districts, the authorities in charge of accredited nonpublic schools, and the governing boards of charter schools to adopt policies related to excusing the absences of students enrolled in grades six through twelve for civic or political even | Sponsor | Feb 19, 2026 | In committee | Education(model) | Introduced, referred to Education. Feb 19, 2026 |
A site that has not changed in 90 days. Scholten’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Scholten’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Scholten posts with a vision model.
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
No images from Scholten’s posts have been described.
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
32 turns, Jan 26, 2026 to Oct 2, 2026
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which Scholten is most unusual among State House Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab