0% of the itemized money from individuals in the 2026 cycle came from donors with an address in Minnesota. Ranks 697th of 714, where 1st is the highest share. 56 itemized donors.
Only donors who give more than $200 are reported with an address, so this is the share of that itemized money from donors living in Minnesota, ranked among State Senate Democrats. Small gifts are not counted either way. Candidates running statewide or for federal office often draw more money from out of state.
At a glance
6 measures against State Senate Democrats. Stewart sits at −0.95 on the CSIP scale, more liberal than 86% of State Senate Democrats. 3.5% of the 114 bills Stewart sponsored got out of committee, in the top quarter of the Minnesota Senate.
The measures on which Stewart sits furthest from the middle of State Senate Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
From Minnesota, 2026
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 697th of 714 State Senate Democrats
CSIP ideology
More liberal than 86% of State Senate Democrats · ± 0.07
Out of committee
Minnesota Senate average 3.1% · ranks 13th of 67
Party unity
Minnesota Senate average 93.0% · ranks 23rd of 67 · 1 votes against the majority of Minnesota Senate Democrats
Itemized, 2026
State Senate Democrats’ median $55.5K · ranks 424th of 746
Attendance
Minnesota Senate average 100% · ranks 34th of 67 · 153 roll calls
Peer group: State Senate Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Stewart, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Stewart is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Stewart says
Stewart talks about policy less than 98% of State Senate Democrats. Policy discussion in 0% of 1 statements, against 43% for the average State Senate Democrat; 328th of 330.
An AI model reads each of Stewart’s 1 statements in the MN 2025–26 session (1 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Democrats and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the MN 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Row | Stewart | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Personal attacks | 0% | 2% |
| Policy criticism | 0% | 10% |
| Policy discussion | 0% | 43% |
| Bipartisanship | 0% | 3% |
| Credit claiming | 0% | 16% |
statements classified
1 posts on X.
Show the data
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 1 |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is Stewart; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Democrats. A longer thick bar means Stewart does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Stewart used no extreme labels in 1 statements. The peer average is 0.8%.
No extreme labels in this window.
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
No targets recorded.
What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the MN 2025–26 session
No month in this window has 10 or more statements, too few to chart month by month.
How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the MN 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 22 months are hatched here; 21 of them have no statements.
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
No statements in this category in this window.
All 1 statements
Newest first, the MN 2025–26 session
The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 1 posts on X.
Policy
No policy statements for the MN 2025–26 session.No classified statements (posts, press releases, newsletters, floor speeches) in this time window.
Ideology
Stewart sits at −0.95 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more liberal than 86% of State Senate Democrats. Approximate range −1.02 to −0.87, which understates the uncertainty; from 457 donors and 102 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −1.02 to −0.87. From 457 donors and 102 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Stewart, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Stewart’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Stewart sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Stewart |
|---|---|---|---|
| State Senate Democrats | 825 | −0.7 | 14% |
| Minnesota Senate | 67 | −0.3 | 3% |
| All State Senate | 1909 | +0.1 | 6% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Stewart in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Stewart.
Money
Stewart reported $40.0K in the 2026 cycle, below the State Senate Democrats’ median of $55.5K. State filings report no small-donation total. 0% of itemized individual money came from Minnesota.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 56 itemized donors. State Senate Democrats’ median $55.5K.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
- Individuals (itemized)82 squares$32.9K
- PACs and other committees18 squares$7,100
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $32.9K | 82.3% |
| PACs and other committees | $7,100 | 17.7% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Receipts by cycle
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State Senate Democrats’ median for 2026.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $121.8K |
| 2022 cycle | $25.1K |
| 2024 cycle | $184.8K |
| 2026 cycle | $40.0K |
Top donor states, 2026
Itemized contributions by donor state. 0% came from Minnesota.
No itemized donors with an address.
Small donations
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
| Florida | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from Minnesota
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Minnesota. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No occupations reported.
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
- MN LOCAL BUSINESS ALLIANCE PAC$1,000
- MN PIPE TRADES ASSN PAC FUND$1,000
- NORTH CENTRAL STATES CARPENTERS PAC$1,000
- BWCA PAC$500
- FRIENDS OF MN SCHOOL BUS OPERATORS ASSN$500
Top employers
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
Stewart voted with the majority of Minnesota Senate Democrats on 98.3% of party-line votes and missed none of 153 roll calls. Minnesota Senate on average: 93.0% party unity, 100% attendance. Across all roll calls, Stewart voted against the majority of Minnesota Senate Democrats 1 time.
153 roll calls Stewart could vote on in the MN 2025–26 session, compared with Minnesota Senate. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Stewart voted with the majority of Minnesota Senate Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
votes against the majority of Minnesota Senate Democrats
Party unity 98.3%, Minnesota Senate average 93.0%, ranks 23rd of 67. 153 roll calls in the MN 2025–26 session.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Stewart, the thin grey bar the Minnesota Senate average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
Show the data
| Row | Stewart | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 100% | 100% |
| Party unity | 98.3% | 93.0% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the MN 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| May 17, 2026 | SF 3967 Due date of the pediatric hospital-to-home transition pilot program report modification Third reading Passed as amended | Yea | With majority | pass | D 34–0 · R 6–27Democrats 34 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 6 yea, 27 nay | party crossover |
| May 17, 2026 | HF 3629 Program payment withholding provided for credible allegation of fraud, grant management provisions changed, and program integrity reports required. Third reading Passed as amended | Yea | With majority | pass | D 34–0 · R 33–0Democrats 34 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 33 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| May 17, 2026 | HF 719 Safe routes to school grant program funding provided, bonds issued, and money appropriated. Third reading Passed | Yea | With majority | pass | D 34–0 · R 26–7Democrats 34 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 26 yea, 7 nay | became law · party crossover |
| May 17, 2026 | HF 4492 Read Act modified, early literacy field experiences required for teacher candidates, high school diploma established for veterans, and rulemaking required. Third reading Passed as amended | Yea | With majority | pass | D 34–0 · R 33–0Democrats 34 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 33 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| May 17, 2026 | HF 2484 Bonding bill; spending authorized to acquire and better land and buildings and for other improvements of a capital nature, new programs established and existing programs modified, report required, prior appropriations modified and canceled, and money appropriated. Third reading Passed | Yea | With majority | pass | D 34–0 · R 16–17Democrats 34 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 16 yea, 17 nay | became law · party crossover |
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Stewart most often
- Liz BoldonD152 shared votes100%
- Mary KuneshD153 shared votes100%
- Doron ClarkD152 shared votes100%
- Lindsey PortD152 shared votes100%
- Nicole MitchellD53 shared votes100%
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Stewart least often
- Eric LuceroR149 shared votes40%
- Cal BahrR150 shared votes40%
- Nathan WesenbergR152 shared votes42%
- Bill LieskeR151 shared votes43%
- Bruce AndersonR53 shared votes43%
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
MN 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Legislation
Stewart sponsored 114 bills in the MN 2025–26 session; 3 became law. Cosponsored 141 others. 3.5% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Minnesota Senate average 3.1%; 13th of 67).
The bills Stewart sponsored and cosponsored in the MN 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the MN 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 114 | 114 | 4 | 3 | 3 |
| Cosponsored | 141 | 140 | 8 | 5 | 5 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Stewart sponsored, ochre blocks bills Stewart cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Minnesota Senate average 3.1%. Ranks 13th of 67.
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Stewart, by number of shared bills in the MN 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
- Scott Dibble65
- John Jasinski31
- Jen McEwen31
- Mary Kunesh20
- Grant Hauschild19
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Stewart’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| SF 5242 | Statewide public infrastructure grant program establishment to support housing densification and economic development | Sponsor | Apr 29, 2026 | In committee | Housing and Community Development(model) | Referred to Jobs and Economic Development Apr 29, 2026 |
| SF 5204 | Bus rapid transit capital improvements bond issue and appropriation | Cosponsor | Apr 23, 2026 | In committee | Transportation and Public Works(model) | Referred to Capital Investment Apr 23, 2026 |
| SF 5173 | Scope expansion of vehicles requiring an overweight vehicle special permit | Sponsor | Apr 20, 2026 | In committee | Transportation and Public Works(model) | Referred to Transportation Apr 20, 2026 |
| SF 5180 | Acceptance of best evidence requirement to determine subsurface sewage treatment system compliance | Cosponsor | Apr 20, 2026 | In committee | Environmental Protection(model) | Authors added Johnson Stewart; Seeberger Apr 29, 2026 |
| SF 5144 | Transparency requirement regarding immigrant detention flights at Minneapolis-St. Paul International Airport | Cosponsor | Apr 15, 2026 | In committee | Immigration(model) | Referred to Transportation Apr 15, 2026 |
Online
A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Stewart’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Stewart’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Stewart posts with a vision model.
Websites
- 1
pages crawled
1changes in 90 days
- 20
pages crawled
28changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
Images Stewart posted
No images from Stewart’s posts have been described.
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
State floor speeches
42 turns, Apr 22, 2021 to May 15, 2026
Floor speeches
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Stewart is most unusual among State Senate Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- 4749e0fb-4f41-46e3-a8b4-19fdbbbde113
- Open States
- ocd-person/4749e0fb-4f41-46e3-a8b4-19fdbbbde113
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
- Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
- Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab