Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 20, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; target: Trump · Source

20% of 1,454 statements contain a personal attack (284 statements); the average for State House Democrats is 2.5%. Ranks 10th of 764, where 1st is the highest rate.
An AI model reads each of Meuse’s posts on X and marks whether it attacks a person’s character, integrity or loyalty. The rate is the share of statements marked; it is compared with the average among State House Democrats and ranked against the same group.
6 measures against State House Democrats. 32% of Meuse’s statements criticize a policy, 3.1 times the State House Democrat average of 10%. 7.1% of Meuse’s statements use an extreme label, 7.4 times the State House Democrat average of 1.0%.
The measures on which Meuse sits furthest from the middle of State House Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Personal attacks
State House Democrats average 2.5% · ranks 10th of 764
Policy criticism
State House Democrats average 10% · ranks 28th of 764
Extreme labels
State House Democrats average 1.0% · ranks 21st of 764
Credit claiming
State House Democrats average 14% · ranks 669th of 764
Party unity
New Hampshire House average 95.3% · ranks 53rd of 381 · 10 votes against the majority of New Hampshire House Democrats
CSIP ideology
Left of 0, the centre of the scale · ± 0.05
Peer group: State House Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Meuse, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Meuse is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Meuse claims credit less than 87% of State House Democrats. Credit claiming in 1.3% of 1,454 statements, against 14% for the average State House Democrat; 669th of 764.
An AI model reads each of Meuse’s 1,454 statements in the NH 2025–26 session (1,454 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Democrats and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the NH 2025–26 session
| Row | Meuse | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 47% | 39% |
| Policy criticism | 32% | 10% |
| Personal attacks | 20% | 3% |
| Credit claiming | 1% | 14% |
| Bipartisanship | 1% | 3% |
statements classified
1,454 posts on X.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 1,454 |
The thick bar is Meuse; the thin grey bar is the average State House Democrats. A longer thick bar means Meuse does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Meuse used extreme labels in 7.1% of statements, 7.4 times the peer average. 103 statements, most often aimed at MAGA; peers 1.0%.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the NH 2025–26 session
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 88 | 12.5% | 47.7% | 59.1% | 4.5% | 3.4% | 4.5% |
| Feb ’25 | 113 | 27.4% | 35.4% | 46.9% | 0.9% | 0.9% | 4.4% |
| Mar ’25 | 148 | 17.6% | 43.2% | 51.3% | 2.7% | 0.0% | 4.7% |
| Apr ’25 | 150 | 13.3% | 34.7% | 44.7% | 0.7% | 2.0% | 9.3% |
| May ’25 | 114 | 19.3% | 36.8% | 43.0% | 0.9% | 1.8% | 2.6% |
| Jun ’25 | 98 | 20.4% | 44.9% | 55.1% | 0.0% | 1.0% | 8.2% |
| Jul ’25 | 80 | 12.5% | 45.0% | 48.8% | 0.0% | 2.5% | 5.0% |
| Aug ’25 | 53 | 13.2% | 49.1% | 47.2% | 3.8% | 1.9% | 3.8% |
| Sep ’25 | 77 | 20.8% | 36.4% | 33.8% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 15.6% |
| Oct ’25 | 55 | 18.2% | 34.5% | 36.4% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 7.3% |
| Nov ’25 | 62 | 9.7% | 32.3% | 40.3% | 0.0% | 3.2% | 8.1% |
| Dec ’25 | 37 | 24.3% | 10.8% | 46.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Jan ’26 | 59 | 11.9% | 3.4% | 54.2% | 0.0% | 1.7% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’26 | 62 | 17.7% | 35.5% | 48.4% | 0.0% | 1.6% | 8.1% |
| Mar ’26 | 35 | 20.0% | 31.4% | 31.4% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 14.3% |
| Apr ’26 | 27 | 33.3% | 22.2% | 63.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 29.6% |
| May ’26 | 27 | 29.6% | 22.2% | 37.0% | 3.7% | 3.7% | 18.5% |
| Jun ’26 | 22 | 31.8% | 18.2% | 31.8% | 4.5% | 0.0% | 9.1% |
| Jul ’26 | 24 | 29.2% | 0.0% | 45.8% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 4.2% |
| Aug ’26 | 21 | 42.9% | 9.5% | 47.6% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 14.3% |
| Sep ’26 | 51 | 29.4% | 0.0% | 54.9% | 3.9% | 2.0% | 9.8% |
| Oct ’26 | 51 | 31.4% | 3.9% | 51.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 2.0% |
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the NH 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 20, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; target: Trump · Source
Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Sep 19, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · credit claiming · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 20, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Energy; extreme label “MAGA” aimed at Freestaters · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: TrumpSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Jeremy KauffmanSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: heSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacksSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Government Operations and Politics · target: New Hampshire AG, top aidesSource
Newest first, the NH 2025–26 session
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 1,454 posts on X.
Education is what Meuse talks about most: 22% of policy statements, above the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.42 on a 0–1 scale (State House Democrats average 0.54; 423rd of 503).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Meuse talks about. The bills Meuse sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
Share of policy statements by area, the NH 2025–26 session
| Row | Meuse | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Education | 22% | 15% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 18% | 15% |
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 17% | 8% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 16% | 11% |
| Health | 14% | 15% |
The thick bar is the share of Meuse’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 47%. Grey ticks are the State House Democrats averages.
| Area | Talks about | State House Democrats, talks about | Legislates on | State House Democrats, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Education | 22% | 15% | 4% | 10% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 18% | 15% | 0% | 8% |
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 17% | 8% | 43% | 9% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 16% | 11% | 2% | 2% |
| Health | 14% | 15% | 4% | 15% |
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State House Democrats average 0.54. Ranks 423rd of 503.
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Meuse legislates on exactly the areas Meuse talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Meuse sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Meuse sits at −0.54 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more conservative than 63% of State House Democrats. Approximate range −0.59 to −0.49, which understates the uncertainty; from 3 donors and 1,178 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −0.59 to −0.49. From 3 donors and 1,178 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Meuse, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Meuse’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Meuse |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Democrats | 2392 | −0.6 | 63% |
| New Hampshire House | 382 | 0.0 | 2% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 28% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Meuse in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Meuse.
Meuse reported $890 in the 2022 cycle, below the State House Democrats’ median of $1,450. State filings report no small-donation total. 100% of itemized individual money came from New Hampshire.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2022 cycle
From 2 itemized donors. State House Democrats’ median $1,450.
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2022 cycle.
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $790 | 88.8% |
| PACs and other committees | $100 | 11.2% |
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2022. The grey line is the State House Democrats’ median for 2022.
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $575 |
| 2022 cycle | $890 |
Itemized contributions by donor state. 100% came from New Hampshire.
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| New Hampshire | $790 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
| Florida | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from New Hampshire
Of itemized individual dollars
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is New Hampshire. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Itemized, 2022 cycle.
No occupations reported.
PAC and committee contributions, 2022 cycle.
Itemized, 2022 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Meuse voted with the majority of New Hampshire House Democrats on 98.9% of party-line votes and missed 5.8% of 557 roll calls. New Hampshire House on average: 95.3% party unity, 89% attendance. Across all roll calls, Meuse voted against the majority of New Hampshire House Democrats 10 times.
557 roll calls Meuse could vote on in the NH 2025–26 session, compared with New Hampshire House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Meuse voted with the majority of New Hampshire House Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
votes against the majority of New Hampshire House Democrats
Party unity 98.9%, New Hampshire House average 95.3%, ranks 53rd of 381. 557 roll calls in the NH 2025–26 session.
The thick bar is Meuse, the thin grey bar the New Hampshire House average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
| Row | Meuse | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 94.2% | 89% |
| Party unity | 98.9% | 95.3% |
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the NH 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Aug 19, 2026 | HB 2026 relative to the state 10-year transportation improvement plan; relative to toll rate adjustments and periodic toll reviews for the New Hampshire turnpike system to support the 2027-2036 ten-year transportation plan; and relative to reconstruction of the Gregg Mill Road Bridge in the town of New Bost Veto Override | Yea | With majority | pass | D 143–0 · R 148–25 · I 1–0Democrats 143 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 148 yea, 25 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | party crossover |
| Aug 19, 2026 | HB 1358 establishing a commission to study transitioning all public schools to public charter schools. Veto Override | Nay | With majority | fail | D 0–143 · R 149–23 · I 1–0Democrats 0 yea, 143 nay; Republicans 149 yea, 23 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | close vote · party crossover |
| Aug 19, 2026 | Nay | With majority | pass | D 0–139 · R 161–9 · I 1–0Democrats 0 yea, 139 nay; Republicans 161 yea, 9 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | close vote | |
| Aug 19, 2026 | Nay | With majority | pass | D 0–142 · R 158–13 · I 1–0Democrats 0 yea, 142 nay; Republicans 158 yea, 13 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | close vote | |
| Aug 19, 2026 | HB 1726 relative to the sale of surplus state-owned land and establishing a commission to study the sale of state-owned property. Veto Override | Nay | With majority | fail | D 2–135 · R 98–71 · I 1–0Democrats 2 yea, 135 nay; Republicans 98 yea, 71 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | party crossover |
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
The colleagues who voted the same way as Meuse most often
The colleagues who voted the same way as Meuse least often
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
NH 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Meuse sponsored 5 bills in the NH 2025–26 session; none became law. Cosponsored 28 others. 40% of sponsored bills got out of committee (New Hampshire House average 48%; 79th of 128).
The bills Meuse sponsored and cosponsored in the NH 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the NH 2025–26 session
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 5 | 5 | 2 | 0 | 0 |
| Cosponsored | 28 | 28 | 17 | 5 | 2 |
Ink blocks are bills Meuse sponsored, ochre blocks bills Meuse cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
New Hampshire House average 48%. Ranks 79th of 128.
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Meuse, by number of shared bills in the NH 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Meuse’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| HB 1822 | relative to reporting of civil immigration detentions by state, county, and local law enforcement and correctional facilities. | Cosponsor | Dec 18, 2025 | Passed one chamber | Immigration(model) | Died on Table, Session ended 08/19/2026 HJ 16 Aug 20, 2026 |
| HB 1715 | relative to the electronic filing of domestic violence and stalking petition case documents. | Cosponsor | Dec 12, 2025 | In committee | Law(model) | Inexpedient to Legislate: MA VV 02/12/2026 HJ 4 P. 23 Feb 12, 2026 |
| HB 1651 | establishing sexual assault orders of protection and relative to sexual assault survivors' rights. | Cosponsor | Dec 10, 2025 | Passed both chambers | Crime and Law Enforcement(model) | Signed by Governor Ayotte 07/02/2026; Chapter 238; eff. 1/1/2027 Jul 10, 2026 |
| HB 1609 | limiting the use of state, county, and municipal funds and property for construction and operation of certain immigrant detention facilities. | Sponsor | Dec 10, 2025 | Passed one chamber | Immigration(model) | Inexpedient to Legislate: MA RC 185-154 03/12/2026 HJ 8 P. 100 Mar 13, 2026 |
| HB 1637 | relative to the scheduling of hearings on certain motions to modify or revoke bail. | Cosponsor | Dec 10, 2025 | Passed both chambers | Crime and Law Enforcement(model) | Signed by Governor Ayotte 07/02/2026; Chapter 237; eff. 1/1/2027 Jul 10, 2026 |
A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Meuse’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Meuse’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Meuse posts with a vision model.
Official site
www.gencourt.state.nh.us/house/members/member.aspx?member=408924Last crawled Oct 1, 2026
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
No images from Meuse’s posts have been described.
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which Meuse is most unusual among State House Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab