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Republican · Alabama House, district 96

Serving since Nov 7, 2018AL 2025–26 session

Portrait of Matt Simpson, rendered as a two-tone print
Official portrait
$336.0K
in itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle, in the top tenth of State House Republicans

The median for State House Republicans is $33.7K. Ranks 131st of 2,521, where 1st raised the most. 26 itemized donors.

Itemized contributions reported to the state in the 2026 cycle, ranked among State House Republicans. State filings leave small gifts out, and totals depend on whether the seat is up this cycle.

At a glance

6 measures against State House Republicans. 8.5% of Simpson’s statements discuss policy, in the bottom tenth of State House Republicans (average 32%). 0.3% of Simpson’s statements criticize a policy, in the bottom quarter of State House Republicans (average 9.3%).

The measures on which Simpson sits furthest from the middle of State House Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.

Itemized, 2026

$336.0K

State House Republicans’ median $33.7K · ranks 131st of 2,521

Policy discussion

8.5%

State House Republicans average 32% · ranks 713th of 791

Policy criticism

0.3%

State House Republicans average 9.3% · ranks 671st of 791

From Alabama, 2026

100%

Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 392nd of 2,335 State House Republicans

Talk-to-bills agreement

0.42

State House Republicans average 0.53 · ranks 430th of 504

CSIP ideology

+0.24

Right of 0, the centre of the scale · ± 0.04

Peer group: State House Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Simpson, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Simpson is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).

Back to topNext: What politicians say

What Simpson says

Simpson criticizes policies less than 84% of State House Republicans. Policy criticism in 0.3% of 294 statements, against 9.3% for the average State House Republican; 671st of 791.

An AI model reads each of Simpson’s 294 statements in the AL 2025–26 session (294 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Republicans and ranked among them.

Kinds of statement

Share of statements carrying each label, the AL 2025–26 session

0%80%
Simpson
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion25 statements
9%
32%
713th of 791
Credit claiming18 statements
6%
13%
521st of 791
Bipartisanship2 statements
1%
2%
467th of 791
Personal attacks1 statements
0%
3%
474th of 791
Policy criticism1 statements
0%
9%
671st of 791
Show the data
Simpson's share of statements in each category against the State House Republicans average.
RowSimpsonPeers
Policy discussion9%32%
Credit claiming6%13%
Bipartisanship1%2%
Personal attacks0%3%
Policy criticism0%9%
294

statements classified

294 posts on X.

posts on X: 294 (100.0%)posts on X 294
Show the data
Simpson's statements by source
PartValue
posts on X294
How to read the bars

The thick bar is Simpson; the thin grey bar is the average State House Republicans. A longer thick bar means Simpson does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.

Extreme labels

Simpson used no extreme labels in 294 statements. The peer average is 1.4%.

No extreme labels in this window.

Who gets the labels

Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements

No targets recorded.

What an extreme label is

Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.

Month by month

Share of statements per month, the AL 2025–26 session

Statements2025-01: 112025-02: 202025-03: 222025-04: 162025-05: 152025-06: 102025-07: 152025-08: 292025-09: 212025-10: 222025-11: 142025-12: 142026-01: 132026-02: 12026-03: 82026-04: 42026-05: 62026-06: 72026-07: 102026-08: 22026-09: 232026-10: 11peak 29 · Aug ’25Personal attackspeak 3.5% · Aug ’25 · latest 0.0%Personal attacks, 2025-01: 0.0% of 11Personal attacks, 2025-02: 0.0% of 20Personal attacks, 2025-03: 0.0% of 22Personal attacks, 2025-04: 0.0% of 16Personal attacks, 2025-05: 0.0% of 15Personal attacks, 2025-06: 0.0% of 10Personal attacks, 2025-07: 0.0% of 15Personal attacks, 2025-08: 3.5% of 29Personal attacks, 2025-09: 0.0% of 21Personal attacks, 2025-10: 0.0% of 22Personal attacks, 2025-11: 0.0% of 14Personal attacks, 2025-12: 0.0% of 14Personal attacks, 2026-01: 0.0% of 13Personal attacks, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-07: 0.0% of 10Personal attacks, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-09: 0.0% of 23Personal attacks, 2026-10: 0.0% of 11Policy criticismpeak 7.1% · Nov ’25 · latest 0.0%Policy criticism, 2025-01: 0.0% of 11Policy criticism, 2025-02: 0.0% of 20Policy criticism, 2025-03: 0.0% of 22Policy criticism, 2025-04: 0.0% of 16Policy criticism, 2025-05: 0.0% of 15Policy criticism, 2025-06: 0.0% of 10Policy criticism, 2025-07: 0.0% of 15Policy criticism, 2025-08: 0.0% of 29Policy criticism, 2025-09: 0.0% of 21Policy criticism, 2025-10: 0.0% of 22Policy criticism, 2025-11: 7.1% of 14Policy criticism, 2025-12: 0.0% of 14Policy criticism, 2026-01: 0.0% of 13Policy criticism, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-07: 0.0% of 10Policy criticism, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-09: 0.0% of 23Policy criticism, 2026-10: 0.0% of 11Policy discussionpeak 20.0% · Jun ’25 · latest 0.0%Policy discussion, 2025-01: 9.1% of 11Policy discussion, 2025-02: 5.0% of 20Policy discussion, 2025-03: 9.1% of 22Policy discussion, 2025-04: 0.0% of 16Policy discussion, 2025-05: 0.0% of 15Policy discussion, 2025-06: 20.0% of 10Policy discussion, 2025-07: 6.7% of 15Policy discussion, 2025-08: 6.9% of 29Policy discussion, 2025-09: 0.0% of 21Policy discussion, 2025-10: 18.2% of 22Policy discussion, 2025-11: 7.1% of 14Policy discussion, 2025-12: 0.0% of 14Policy discussion, 2026-01: 15.4% of 13Policy discussion, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-07: 0.0% of 10Policy discussion, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-09: 13.0% of 23Policy discussion, 2026-10: 0.0% of 11Bipartisanshippeak 4.5% · Oct ’25 · latest 0.0%Bipartisanship, 2025-01: 0.0% of 11Bipartisanship, 2025-02: 0.0% of 20Bipartisanship, 2025-03: 0.0% of 22Bipartisanship, 2025-04: 0.0% of 16Bipartisanship, 2025-05: 0.0% of 15Bipartisanship, 2025-06: 0.0% of 10Bipartisanship, 2025-07: 0.0% of 15Bipartisanship, 2025-08: 3.5% of 29Bipartisanship, 2025-09: 0.0% of 21Bipartisanship, 2025-10: 4.5% of 22Bipartisanship, 2025-11: 0.0% of 14Bipartisanship, 2025-12: 0.0% of 14Bipartisanship, 2026-01: 0.0% of 13Bipartisanship, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-07: 0.0% of 10Bipartisanship, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-09: 0.0% of 23Bipartisanship, 2026-10: 0.0% of 11Credit claimingpeak 20.0% · Jul ’25 · latest 0.0%Credit claiming, 2025-01: 9.1% of 11Credit claiming, 2025-02: 0.0% of 20Credit claiming, 2025-03: 9.1% of 22Credit claiming, 2025-04: 6.3% of 16Credit claiming, 2025-05: 0.0% of 15Credit claiming, 2025-06: 0.0% of 10Credit claiming, 2025-07: 20.0% of 15Credit claiming, 2025-08: 3.5% of 29Credit claiming, 2025-09: 4.8% of 21Credit claiming, 2025-10: 18.2% of 22Credit claiming, 2025-11: 0.0% of 14Credit claiming, 2025-12: 0.0% of 14Credit claiming, 2026-01: 7.7% of 13Credit claiming, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-07: 0.0% of 10Credit claiming, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-09: 8.7% of 23Credit claiming, 2026-10: 0.0% of 11Extreme labelspeak 0.0% · Jan ’25 · latest 0.0%Extreme labels, 2025-01: 0.0% of 11Extreme labels, 2025-02: 0.0% of 20Extreme labels, 2025-03: 0.0% of 22Extreme labels, 2025-04: 0.0% of 16Extreme labels, 2025-05: 0.0% of 15Extreme labels, 2025-06: 0.0% of 10Extreme labels, 2025-07: 0.0% of 15Extreme labels, 2025-08: 0.0% of 29Extreme labels, 2025-09: 0.0% of 21Extreme labels, 2025-10: 0.0% of 22Extreme labels, 2025-11: 0.0% of 14Extreme labels, 2025-12: 0.0% of 14Extreme labels, 2026-01: 0.0% of 13Extreme labels, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-07: 0.0% of 10Extreme labels, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-09: 0.0% of 23Extreme labels, 2026-10: 0.0% of 11Jan ’25Jul ’25Jan ’26Jul ’26Oct ’26
Show the data
Monthly rates for Simpson, each row shaded against its own peak, with statement volume. Months with fewer than 10 statements are left blank.
ColumnStatementsPersonal attacksPolicy criticismPolicy discussionBipartisanshipCredit claimingExtreme labels
Jan ’25110.0%0.0%9.1%0.0%9.1%0.0%
Feb ’25200.0%0.0%5.0%0.0%0.0%0.0%
Mar ’25220.0%0.0%9.1%0.0%9.1%0.0%
Apr ’25160.0%0.0%0.0%0.0%6.3%0.0%
May ’25150.0%0.0%0.0%0.0%0.0%0.0%
Jun ’25100.0%0.0%20.0%0.0%0.0%0.0%
Jul ’25150.0%0.0%6.7%0.0%20.0%0.0%
Aug ’25293.5%0.0%6.9%3.5%3.5%0.0%
Sep ’25210.0%0.0%0.0%0.0%4.8%0.0%
Oct ’25220.0%0.0%18.2%4.5%18.2%0.0%
Nov ’25140.0%7.1%7.1%0.0%0.0%0.0%
Dec ’25140.0%0.0%0.0%0.0%0.0%0.0%
Jan ’26130.0%0.0%15.4%0.0%7.7%0.0%
Feb ’261— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Mar ’268— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Apr ’264— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
May ’266— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jun ’267— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jul ’26100.0%0.0%0.0%0.0%0.0%0.0%
Aug ’262— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Sep ’26230.0%0.0%13.0%0.0%8.7%0.0%
Oct ’26110.0%0.0%0.0%0.0%0.0%0.0%
How to read the strips

Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the AL 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 6 months are hatched here.

In Simpson’s words

Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned

Policy discussion

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Sep 30, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Crime and Law Enforcement · Source

Personal attacks

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Aug 30, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; target: DeBoer · Source

Policy criticism

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Nov 13, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Crime and Law Enforcement · Source

Examples by category

Up to five recent statements in each category

Category

Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.

  1. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · target: DeBoerSource

All 294 statements

Newest first, the AL 2025–26 session

The full feed

Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 294 posts on X.

Back to topNext: Policy

Policy

Crime and Law Enforcement is what Simpson talks about most: 60% of policy statements, 5.4 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.42 on a 0–1 scale (State House Republicans average 0.53; 430th of 504).

Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Simpson talks about. The bills Simpson sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.

What Simpson talks about

Share of policy statements by area, the AL 2025–26 session

0%66%
Simpson
Peers
Crime and Law Enforcement15 statements
60%
11%
Government Operations and Politics4 statements
16%
18%
Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues2 statements
8%
6%
Economics and Public Finance2 statements
8%
12%
Education2 statements
8%
15%
Show the data
Policy areas Simpson talks about, as a share of policy statements, against the State House Republicans average.
RowSimpsonPeers
Crime and Law Enforcement60%11%
Government Operations and Politics16%18%
Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues8%6%
Economics and Public Finance8%12%
Education8%15%
How to read the bars

The thick bar is the share of Simpson’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

Talks about · legislates on

Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 66%. Grey ticks are the State House Republicans averages.

Talks aboutLegislates onCrime and Law EnforcementCrime and Law Enforcement, talks about: 60% (State House Republicans 11%)60%Crime and Law Enforcement, legislates on: 27% (State House Republicans 11%)27%Government Operations andPoliticsGovernment Operations and Politics, talks about: 16% (State House Republicans 18%)16%Government Operations and Politics, legislates on: 40% (State House Republicans 12%)40%Civil Rights and Liberties,Minority IssuesCivil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues, talks about: 8% (State House Republicans 6%)8%Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues, legislates on: 0% (State House Republicans 4%)0%Economics and Public FinanceEconomics and Public Finance, talks about: 8% (State House Republicans 12%)8%Economics and Public Finance, legislates on: 0% (State House Republicans 2%)0%EducationEducation, talks about: 8% (State House Republicans 15%)8%Education, legislates on: 0% (State House Republicans 9%)0%
Show the data
Simpson's share of statements against share of bills in each policy area.
AreaTalks aboutState House Republicans, talks aboutLegislates onState House Republicans, legislates on
Crime and Law Enforcement60%11%27%11%
Government Operations and Politics16%18%40%12%
Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues8%6%0%4%
Economics and Public Finance8%12%0%2%
Education8%15%0%9%
0.42

talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1

State House Republicans average 0.53. Ranks 430th of 504.

What agreement means, and what it doesn’t

Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Simpson legislates on exactly the areas Simpson talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Simpson sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.

Back to topNext: Ideology

Ideology

Simpson sits at +0.24 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more liberal than 69% of State House Republicans. Approximate range +0.20 to +0.28, which understates the uncertainty; from 63 donors and 690 roll calls.

CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.

+0.24

CSIP ideal point

Approximate range +0.20 to +0.28. From 63 donors and 690 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.

← More liberalMore conservative →0Simpson +0.2State House Republicans +0.4Alabama House +0.2All State House +0.1

The outlined dot is Simpson, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Simpson’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.

What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.

Where Simpson sits

Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale

−2.0−1.00.0+1.0+2.0← More liberalMore conservative →State House Republicansmedian +0.4Simpson +0.2Alabama Housemedian +0.2All State Housemedian +0.1
Show the data
Simpson's CSIP score of +0.24 placed against State House Republicans, Alabama House, All State House.
GroupOfficialsMedianShare left of Simpson
State House Republicans2917+0.431%
Alabama House104+0.251%
All State House5324+0.162%
How to read the strips

Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Simpson in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Simpson.

Back to topNext: Money

Money

Simpson reported $336.0K in the 2026 cycle, 10.0 times the State House Republicans’ median of $33.7K. State filings report no small-donation total. 100% of itemized individual money came from Alabama.

Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.

Election cycle
$336.0K

itemized in the 2026 cycle

From 26 itemized donors. State House Republicans’ median $33.7K.

Where the money came from

Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.

Individuals (itemized): $7,675 (2.3%)Individuals (itemized): $7,675 (2.3%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)PACs and other committees: $328.3K (97.7%)
  • Individuals (itemized)2 squares$7,675
  • PACs and other committees98 squares$328.3K
Show the data
Sources of Simpson's money, 2026 cycle, one square per percent
SourceAmountShare
Individuals (itemized)$7,6752.3%
PACs and other committees$328.3K97.7%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.

Receipts by cycle

Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Republicans’ median for 2026.

2020 cycle: $20.5K$20.5K20202022 cycle: $156.4K$156.4K20222024 cycle: $26.5K$26.5K20242026 cycle: $336.0K$336.0K2026State House Republicans median $33.7K
Show the data
Simpson's receipts by cycle against the 2026 State House Republicans median.
ItemValue
2020 cycle$20.5K
2022 cycle$156.4K
2024 cycle$26.5K
2026 cycle$336.0K

Top donor states, 2026

Itemized contributions by donor state. 100% came from Alabama.

  1. Alabama$7,675

Small donations

State filings report no total for small gifts.

Not reported in state filings.

Where itemized donors live

Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state

Alaska: no dataAKMaine: no dataMEVermont: no dataVTNew Hampshire: no dataNHWashington: no dataWAIdaho: no dataIDMontana: no dataMTNorth Dakota: no dataNDMinnesota: no dataMNIllinois: no dataILWisconsin: no dataWIMichigan: no dataMINew York: no dataNYRhode Island: no dataRIMassachusetts: no dataMAOregon: no dataORNevada: no dataNVWyoming: no dataWYSouth Dakota: no dataSDIowa: no dataIAIndiana: no dataINOhio: no dataOHPennsylvania: no dataPANew Jersey: no dataNJConnecticut: no dataCTCalifornia: no dataCAUtah: no dataUTColorado: no dataCONebraska: no dataNEMissouri: no dataMOKentucky: no dataKYWest Virginia: no dataWVVirginia: no dataVAMaryland: no dataMDDelaware: no dataDEArizona: no dataAZNew Mexico: no dataNMKansas: no dataKSArkansas: no dataARTennessee: no dataTNNorth Carolina: no dataNCSouth Carolina: no dataSCDistrict of Columbia: no dataDCOklahoma: no dataOKLouisiana: no dataLAMississippi: no dataMSAlabama: $7,675ALGeorgia: no dataGAHawaii: no dataHITexas: no dataTXFlorida: no dataFL
Show the data
Simpson's itemized individual contributions by donor state, 2026 cycle
StateValue
Alabama$7,675
AlaskaNo data
MaineNo data
VermontNo data
New HampshireNo data
WashingtonNo data
IdahoNo data
MontanaNo data
North DakotaNo data
MinnesotaNo data
IllinoisNo data
WisconsinNo data
MichiganNo data
New YorkNo data
Rhode IslandNo data
MassachusettsNo data
OregonNo data
NevadaNo data
WyomingNo data
South DakotaNo data
IowaNo data
IndianaNo data
OhioNo data
PennsylvaniaNo data
New JerseyNo data
ConnecticutNo data
CaliforniaNo data
UtahNo data
ColoradoNo data
NebraskaNo data
MissouriNo data
KentuckyNo data
West VirginiaNo data
VirginiaNo data
MarylandNo data
DelawareNo data
ArizonaNo data
New MexicoNo data
KansasNo data
ArkansasNo data
TennesseeNo data
North CarolinaNo data
South CarolinaNo data
District of ColumbiaNo data
OklahomaNo data
LouisianaNo data
MississippiNo data
GeorgiaNo data
HawaiiNo data
TexasNo data
FloridaNo data
26

itemized donors

People who gave more than $200

100%

from Alabama

Of itemized individual dollars

How to read the map

Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Alabama. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.

Top donor occupations

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

No occupations reported.

Top committees

PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.

  1. NORTH ALABAMA PAC$36.2K
  2. PROGRESS PAC$22.4K
  3. B PAC$20.0K
  4. POARCH BAND OF CREEK INDIANS$17.5K
  5. SV&B PAC$17.5K

Top employers

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

No employers reported.

Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.

Back to topNext: Votes

Votes

No roll-call votes for the AL 2025–26 session.No roll-call votes are recorded for this official in this time window.

Back to topNext: Legislation

Legislation

Simpson sponsored 20 bills in the AL 2025–26 session; 9 became law. Cosponsored 0 others. 70% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Alabama House average 67%; 44th of 99).

The bills Simpson sponsored and cosponsored in the AL 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.

Bills by stage

Counts for the AL 2025–26 session

Sponsored20 billsSponsored, Introduced: 2020Sponsored, In committee: 2020Sponsored, Passed one chamber: 1414Sponsored, Passed both chambers: 99Sponsored, Became law: 99Cosponsored0 billsCosponsored, Introduced: 00Cosponsored, In committee: 00Cosponsored, Passed one chamber: 00Cosponsored, Passed both chambers: 00Cosponsored, Became law: 00IntroducedIncommitteePassed onechamberPassed bothchambersBecamelaw
Show the data
Bills Simpson sponsored and cosponsored, by furthest stage reached
RoleIntroducedIn committeePassed one chamberPassed both chambersBecame law
Sponsored20201499
Cosponsored00000
How to read the blocks

Ink blocks are bills Simpson sponsored, ochre blocks bills Simpson cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.

70%

of sponsored bills got out of committee

Alabama House average 67%. Ranks 44th of 99.

Cosponsorship partners

Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Simpson, by number of shared bills in the AL 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.

No cosponsorship ties in this window.

What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Simpson’s bills; the toggle shows more.

Bill list

Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest

Bills sponsored and cosponsored
HR 335Burke Ramagosa, commendedSponsorApr 7, 2026Passed one chamberUnassignedJoint Rule 11 Apr 7, 2026
HR 339City of Spanish Fort and Baldwin County, supportedSponsorApr 7, 2026In committeeUnassignedRead for the first time and referred to the House Committee on Rules Apr 7, 2026
HR 290Daphne Girls Wrestling Team, congratulatedSponsorMar 31, 2026Passed one chamberUnassignedJoint Rule 11 Mar 31, 2026
HB 617Solar power facilities; new facilities prohibited for one yearSponsorMar 12, 2026In committeeEnergy(model)Reported Out of Committee House of Origin (Transportation, Utilities and Infrastructure) Apr 1, 2026
HB 618Solar farms; certain county commissions authorized to establish zoning requirements, penalties for violations and appeal process providedSponsorMar 12, 2026In committeeEnergy(model)Reported Out of Committee House of Origin Mar 17, 2026

Back to topNext: Online

Online

The lab crawls Simpson’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Simpson posts with a vision model.

Websites

No websites are tracked for this official.

How to read the counts

“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.

Images Simpson posted

No images from Simpson’s posts have been described.

About the descriptions

Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

State floor speeches

No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.

Floor speeches

Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.

Back to topNext: Methods and sources

Methods and sources

How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.

The headline

The headline is the measure on which Simpson is most unusual among State House Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.

The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.

A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).

Identifiers

Profile id
52046189-0464-4140-9cdf-b6c66312d49d
Open States
ocd-person/52046189-0464-4140-9cdf-b6c66312d49d

Bulk files with the same data for every official:

Freshness of this profile’s data

  • What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
  • Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
  • Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
  • Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
  • Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
  • WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
  • State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.

How the measures work

What politicians say
Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
Extreme labels
A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
Policy areas and agreement
Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology (CSIP)
Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
Campaign money
Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
Votes and key votes
Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
Peers and ranks
Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.

America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab

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