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Democrat · Maine House, district 14

Serving since Dec 3, 2024ME 2025–26 session

Portrait of Gary Friedmann, rendered as a two-tone print
Official portrait
33%
of sponsored bills got out of committee, in the bottom tenth of the Maine House

33% of 6 sponsored bills got out of committee; the average for the Maine House is 64%. Ranks 90th of 96, where 1st is the highest share.

The share of bills Friedmann sponsored that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, ranked within the Maine House. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position as well as effort.

At a glance

4 measures against the Maine House. Friedmann sits at −0.61 on the CSIP scale, more conservative than 52% of State House Democrats.

The measures on which Friedmann sits furthest from the middle of the Maine House, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.

Out of committee

33%

Maine House average 64% · ranks 90th of 96

Attendance

98.6%

Maine House average 94.9% · ranks 60th of 149 · 804 roll calls

Party unity

97.5%

Maine House average 95.9% · ranks 66th of 149 · 30 votes against the majority of Maine House Democrats

CSIP ideology

−0.61

More conservative than 52% of State House Democrats · ± 0.09

Statements

No statements in this window

Roll calls

804

Compared with Maine House

Peer group: Maine House. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Friedmann, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Friedmann is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).

Back to topNext: What politicians say

What Friedmann says

No statements for the ME 2025–26 session.No classified statements (posts, press releases, newsletters, floor speeches) in this time window.

Back to topNext: Policy

Policy

No policy statements for the ME 2025–26 session.No classified statements (posts, press releases, newsletters, floor speeches) in this time window.

Back to topNext: Ideology

Ideology

Friedmann sits at −0.61 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more conservative than 52% of State House Democrats. Approximate range −0.70 to −0.53, which understates the uncertainty; from 0 donors and 295 roll calls.

CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.

−0.61

CSIP ideal point

Approximate range −0.70 to −0.53. From 0 donors and 295 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.

← More liberalMore conservative →0Friedmann −0.6State House Democrats −0.6Maine House −0.3All State House +0.1

The outlined dot is Friedmann, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Friedmann’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.

What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.

Where Friedmann sits

Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale

−2.0−1.00.0+1.0+2.0← More liberalMore conservative →State House Democratsmedian −0.6Friedmann −0.6Maine Housemedian −0.3All State Housemedian +0.1
Show the data
Friedmann's CSIP score of −0.61 placed against State House Democrats, Maine House, All State House.
GroupOfficialsMedianShare left of Friedmann
State House Democrats2392−0.652%
Maine House152−0.330%
All State House5324+0.123%
How to read the strips

Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Friedmann in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Friedmann.

Back to topNext: Money

Money

No campaign-finance data.No campaign-finance records are matched to this official.

Back to topNext: Votes

Votes

Friedmann voted with the majority of Maine House Democrats on 97.5% of party-line votes and missed 1.4% of 804 roll calls. Maine House on average: 95.9% party unity, 94.9% attendance. Across all roll calls, Friedmann voted against the majority of Maine House Democrats 30 times.

804 roll calls Friedmann could vote on in the ME 2025–26 session, compared with Maine House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Friedmann voted with the majority of Maine House Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.

30

votes against the majority of Maine House Democrats

Party unity 97.5%, Maine House average 95.9%, ranks 66th of 149. 804 roll calls in the ME 2025–26 session.

Attendance and party unity

The thick bar is Friedmann, the thin grey bar the Maine House average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.

80%100%
Friedmann
Peers
Rank
Attendance
98.6%
94.9%
60th of 149
Party unity
97.5%
95.9%
66th of 149
Show the data
Friedmann's attendance and party unity against Maine House.
RowFriedmannPeers
Attendance98.6%94.9%
Party unity97.5%95.9%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.

Key votes

25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the ME 2025–26 session

Key votes
Party split (yea–nay)Why it’s key
Apr 29, 2026
LD 307
An Act Regarding Energy, Utilities And Technology
reconsideration-veto
YeaWith majorityfailD 64–6 · R 7–59 · I 1–0Democrats 64 yea, 6 nay; Republicans 7 yea, 59 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nayclose vote · party crossover
Apr 29, 2026
LD 307
An Act Regarding Energy, Utilities And Technology
Move the Previous Question
NayWith majorityfailD 11–57 · R 54–12 · I 0–1Democrats 11 yea, 57 nay; Republicans 54 yea, 12 nay; Independents 0 yea, 1 nayclose vote · party crossover
Apr 14, 2026
LD 555
An Act To Create A Separate Department Of Child And Family Services
Acc Maj Ought Not to Pass Rep
YeaWith majoritypassD 71–4 · R 2–67 · I 2–1Democrats 71 yea, 4 nay; Republicans 2 yea, 67 nay; Independents 2 yea, 1 nayclose vote
Apr 14, 2026
LD 299
An Act To Support Investment In Agriculture
Enactment - Bond Issue
YeaWith majorityfailD 74–1 · R 13–54 · I 3–0Democrats 74 yea, 1 nay; Republicans 13 yea, 54 nay; Independents 3 yea, 0 nayparty crossover
Apr 14, 2026
LD 127
An Act To Strengthen Legislative Oversight Of Government Agencies And Programs By Reaffirming The Legislature'S Access To Confidential Records
suspension of house rule 515
NayWith majorityfailD 6–69 · R 67–0 · I 1–2Democrats 6 yea, 69 nay; Republicans 67 yea, 0 nay; Independents 1 yea, 2 nayclose vote
How key votes are chosen

Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.

Votes most often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Friedmann most often

  1. Charles SkoldD721 shared votes97%
  2. Julie McCabeD788 shared votes96%
  3. Dylan PughD772 shared votes96%
  4. Michelle BoyerD793 shared votes96%
  5. Matt BeckD790 shared votes96%

Votes least often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Friedmann least often

  1. Marygrace CiminoR793 shared votes8.1%
  2. Barbara BagshawR791 shared votes8.6%
  3. Mike LanceR747 shared votes8.7%
  4. Kim HagganR791 shared votes8.7%
  5. Quentin ChapmanR753 shared votes8.9%
How to read the agreement lists

The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.

Full voting record

ME 2025–26 session, loads in batches

Back to topNext: Legislation

Legislation

Friedmann sponsored 6 bills in the ME 2025–26 session; 1 became law. Cosponsored 31 others. 33% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Maine House average 64%; 90th of 96).

The bills Friedmann sponsored and cosponsored in the ME 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.

Bills by stage

Counts for the ME 2025–26 session

Sponsored6 billsSponsored, Introduced: 66Sponsored, In committee: 66Sponsored, Passed one chamber: 22Sponsored, Passed both chambers: 11Sponsored, Became law: 11Cosponsored31 billsCosponsored, Introduced: 3131Cosponsored, In committee: 3131Cosponsored, Passed one chamber: 1616Cosponsored, Passed both chambers: 1212Cosponsored, Became law: 88IntroducedIncommitteePassed onechamberPassed bothchambersBecamelaw
Show the data
Bills Friedmann sponsored and cosponsored, by furthest stage reached
RoleIntroducedIn committeePassed one chamberPassed both chambersBecame law
Sponsored66211
Cosponsored313116128
How to read the blocks

Ink blocks are bills Friedmann sponsored, ochre blocks bills Friedmann cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.

33%

of sponsored bills got out of committee

Maine House average 64%. Ranks 90th of 96.

Cosponsorship partners

Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Friedmann, by number of shared bills in the ME 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.

  1. Nicole Grohoski11
  2. Rick Bennett7
  3. Mike Tipping7
  4. Ann Matlack6
  5. Laurie Osher5
What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Friedmann’s bills; the toggle shows more.

Bill list

Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest

Bills sponsored and cosponsored
LD 2116An Act To Make Permanent The Affordable Housing Income Tax CreditCosponsorMar 30, 2026Became lawTaxation(model)Signed by Governor Apr 15, 2026
LD 2155An Act To Clarify Certain Laws Governing Licenses For The Sale Of Liquor By ManufacturersCosponsorMar 24, 2026Became lawCommerce(model)Became Law without Governor's Signature Apr 25, 2026
LD 1477An Act To Provide An Exemption From Pilotage Requirements For Passenger Ferry Service Between Bar Harbor, Maine And Yarmouth, Nova ScotiaSponsorMar 5, 2026Passed one chamberTransportation and Public Works(model)Placed in Legislative Files (DEAD) Mar 17, 2026
LD 1661An Act To Establish A Comprehensive And Interagency Approach To Invasive Species ManagementCosponsorMar 5, 2026Became lawEnvironmental Protection(model)Became Law without Governor's Signature Apr 25, 2026
LD 1876An Act To Increase Use Of State Tax CreditsCosponsorJun 17, 2025Became lawTaxation(model)Signed by Governor Jul 1, 2025

Back to topNext: Online

Online

A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Friedmann’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.

The lab crawls Friedmann’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Friedmann posts with a vision model.

Websites

How to read the counts

“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.

Images Friedmann posted

No images from Friedmann’s posts have been described.

About the descriptions

Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

State floor speeches

15 turns, Apr 8, 2025 to Mar 19, 2026

Floor speeches

Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.

Back to topNext: Methods and sources

Methods and sources

How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.

The headline

The headline is the measure on which Friedmann is most unusual among Maine House, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.

The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.

A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).

Identifiers

Profile id
55262df3-ff33-4e9e-a504-912ac2558ede
Open States
ocd-person/55262df3-ff33-4e9e-a504-912ac2558ede

Bulk files with the same data for every official:

Freshness of this profile’s data

  • What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
  • Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
  • Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
  • Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
  • Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
  • WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
  • State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.

How the measures work

What politicians say
Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
Extreme labels
A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
Policy areas and agreement
Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology (CSIP)
Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
Campaign money
Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
Votes and key votes
Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
Peers and ranks
Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.

America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab

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