Policy discussion
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 19, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Government Operations and Politics · Source
70%
of sponsored bills got out of committee, in the top quarter of the Florida Senate
70% of 57 sponsored bills got out of committee; the average for the Florida Senate is 51%. Ranks 6th of 36, where 1st is the highest share.
The share of bills Burgess sponsored that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, ranked within the Florida Senate. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position as well as effort.
At a glance
6 measures against State Senate Republicans. Burgess reported $111.0K in the 2024 cycle, in the top quarter of State Senate Republicans (median $28.3K). 1.1% of Burgess’s statements criticize a policy, in the bottom quarter of State Senate Republicans (average 9.5%).
The measures on which Burgess sits furthest from the middle of State Senate Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Out of committee
70%
Florida Senate average 51% · ranks 6th of 36
Itemized, 2024
$111.0K
State Senate Republicans’ median $28.3K · ranks 17th of 112
Policy criticism
1.1%
State Senate Republicans average 9.5% · ranks 287th of 354
Policy discussion
21%
State Senate Republicans average 37% · ranks 278th of 354
Party unity
98.7%
Florida Senate average 90% · ranks 9th of 39 · 1 votes against the majority of Florida Senate Republicans
CSIP ideology
+0.53
More conservative than 75% of State Senate Republicans · ± 0.05
Peer group: State Senate Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Burgess, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Burgess is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Burgess says
Burgess criticizes policies less than 80% of State Senate Republicans. Policy criticism in 1.1% of 643 statements, against 9.5% for the average State Senate Republican; 287th of 354.
An AI model reads each of Burgess’s 643 statements in the FL 2025–26 session (643 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Republicans and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the FL 2025–26 session
0%80%
Burgess
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion133 statements
21%
37%
278th of 354
Credit claiming87 statements
14%
15%
178th of 354
Bipartisanship9 statements
1%
2%
182nd of 354
Policy criticism7 statements
1%
9%
287th of 354
Personal attacks2 statements
0%
2%
173rd of 354
Show the data
| Row | Burgess | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 21% | 37% |
| Credit claiming | 14% | 15% |
| Bipartisanship | 1% | 2% |
| Policy criticism | 1% | 9% |
| Personal attacks | 0% | 2% |
643
statements classified
643 posts on X.
Show the data
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 643 |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is Burgess; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Republicans. A longer thick bar means Burgess does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Burgess used no extreme labels in 643 statements. The peer average is 1.3%.
No extreme labels in this window.
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
No targets recorded.
What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the FL 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 25 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 20.0% | 12.0% | 32.0% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’25 | 49 | 0.0% | 8.2% | 32.6% | 0.0% | 22.4% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’25 | 34 | 0.0% | 2.9% | 44.1% | 0.0% | 32.4% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’25 | 51 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 17.6% | 0.0% | 19.6% | 0.0% |
| May ’25 | 31 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 22.6% | 0.0% | 12.9% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’25 | 36 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 33.3% | 8.3% | 25.0% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’25 | 16 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 31.3% | 0.0% | 18.8% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’25 | 28 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 17.9% | 0.0% | 10.7% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’25 | 36 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 2.8% | 0.0% | 2.8% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’25 | 21 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 9.5% | 4.8% | 9.5% | 0.0% |
| Nov ’25 | 16 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 18.8% | 0.0% | 6.3% | 0.0% |
| Dec ’25 | 21 | 4.8% | 0.0% | 9.5% | 0.0% | 9.5% | 0.0% |
| Jan ’26 | 52 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 15.4% | 0.0% | 9.6% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’26 | 40 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 10.0% | 0.0% | 15.0% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’26 | 33 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 6.1% | 3.0% | 9.1% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’26 | 19 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 5.3% | 0.0% | 5.3% | 0.0% |
| May ’26 | 13 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 15.4% | 7.7% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’26 | 31 | 3.2% | 0.0% | 19.4% | 0.0% | 6.5% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’26 | 29 | 0.0% | 3.5% | 27.6% | 0.0% | 13.8% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’26 | 40 | 0.0% | 2.5% | 35.0% | 0.0% | 2.5% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’26 | 11 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 18.2% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’26 | 11 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 36.4% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the FL 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%.
In Burgess’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jun 6, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; target: unspecified · Source
Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Aug 14, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues · Source
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
All 643 statements
Newest first, the FL 2025–26 session
The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 643 posts on X.
Policy
Education is what Burgess talks about most: 26% of policy statements, 1.9 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.52 on a 0–1 scale (State Senate Republicans average 0.52; 127th of 226).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Burgess talks about. The bills Burgess sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What Burgess talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the FL 2025–26 session
0%35%
Burgess
Peers
Education35 statements
26%
14%
Armed Forces and National Security33 statements
25%
6%
Emergency Management17 statements
13%
3%
Government Operations and Politics14 statements
11%
17%
Science, Technology, Communications9 statements
7%
3%
Show the data
| Row | Burgess | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Education | 26% | 14% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 25% | 6% |
| Emergency Management | 13% | 3% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 11% | 17% |
| Science, Technology, Communications | 7% | 3% |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of Burgess’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Republicans averages.
Show the data
| Area | Talks about | State Senate Republicans, talks about | Legislates on | State Senate Republicans, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Education | 26% | 14% | 18% | 10% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 25% | 6% | 2% | 2% |
| Emergency Management | 13% | 3% | 2% | 1% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 11% | 17% | 19% | 12% |
| Science, Technology, Communications | 7% | 3% | 3% | 1% |
0.52
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State Senate Republicans average 0.52. Ranks 127th of 226.
What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Burgess legislates on exactly the areas Burgess talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Burgess sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology
Burgess sits at +0.53 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more conservative than 75% of State Senate Republicans. Approximate range +0.48 to +0.58, which understates the uncertainty; from 369 donors and 618 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
+0.53
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +0.48 to +0.58. From 369 donors and 618 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Burgess, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Burgess’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Burgess sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
State Senate Republicans1,083 · median +0.4
Florida Senate39 · median +0.4
All State Senate1,909 · median +0.1
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Burgess |
|---|---|---|---|
| State Senate Republicans | 1083 | +0.4 | 75% |
| Florida Senate | 39 | +0.4 | 69% |
| All State Senate | 1909 | +0.1 | 86% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Burgess in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Burgess.
Money
Burgess reported $111.0K in the 2024 cycle, 3.9 times the State Senate Republicans’ median of $28.3K. State filings report no small-donation total. 86% of itemized individual money came from Florida.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
$111.0K
itemized in the 2024 cycle
From 79 itemized donors. State Senate Republicans’ median $28.3K.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2024 cycle.
- Individuals (itemized)43 squares$48.0K
- PACs and other committees57 squares$63.0K
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $48.0K | 43.3% |
| PACs and other committees | $63.0K | 56.7% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Receipts by cycle
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2024. The grey line is the State Senate Republicans’ median for 2024.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $406.2K |
| 2022 cycle | $177.3K |
| 2024 cycle | $111.0K |
Top donor states, 2024
Itemized contributions by donor state. 86% came from Florida.
- Florida$41.5K
- Texas$2,000
- Georgia$2,000
- Tennessee$1,000
- Illinois$500
Small donations
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Florida | $41.5K |
| Georgia | $2,000 |
| Texas | $2,000 |
| Tennessee | $1,000 |
| Illinois | $500 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
79
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
86%
from Florida
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Florida. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2024 cycle.
- RETIRED$6,950 13 donors
- ATTORNEY$4,100 8 donors
- REAL ESTATE$3,000 3 donors
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2024 cycle.
- COMMITTEE OF FLORIDA AGENTS$2,000
- FLORIDA ACRE$2,000
- FLORIDA COALITION FOR SAFE COMMUNITIES$2,000
- HOLLAND & KNIGHT FLORIDA POLITICAL COMMITTEE$2,000
- THE COMMITTEE FOR FLORIDA JUSTICE REFORM$2,000
Top employers
Itemized, 2024 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
Burgess voted with the majority of Florida Senate Republicans on 98.7% of party-line votes and missed 5.9% of 909 roll calls. Florida Senate on average: 90% party unity, 95.0% attendance. Across all roll calls, Burgess voted against the majority of Florida Senate Republicans 1 time.
909 roll calls Burgess could vote on in the FL 2025–26 session, compared with Florida Senate. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Burgess voted with the majority of Florida Senate Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
1
votes against the majority of Florida Senate Republicans
Party unity 98.7%, Florida Senate average 90%, ranks 9th of 39. 909 roll calls in the FL 2025–26 session.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Burgess, the thin grey bar the Florida Senate average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
80%100%
Burgess
Peers
Rank
Attendance
94.0%
95.0%
27th of 39
Party unity
98.7%
90%
9th of 39
Show the data
| Row | Burgess | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 94.0% | 95.0% |
| Party unity | 98.7% | 90% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the FL 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jun 2, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 3–8 · R 26–0 · I 1–0Democrats 3 yea, 8 nay; Republicans 26 yea, 0 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | became law · party crossover | |
| Jun 2, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 3–9 · R 26–0 · I 1–0Democrats 3 yea, 9 nay; Republicans 26 yea, 0 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | party crossover | |
| Apr 29, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 0–12 · R 21–4 · I 0–1Democrats 0 yea, 12 nay; Republicans 21 yea, 4 nay; Independents 0 yea, 1 nay | became law · party crossover | |
| Apr 28, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 10–1 · R 22–3 · I 1–0Democrats 10 yea, 1 nay; Republicans 22 yea, 3 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | party crossover | |
| Mar 13, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 5–3 · R 26–1Democrats 5 yea, 3 nay; Republicans 26 yea, 1 nay | became law |
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Burgess most often
- Debbie MayfieldR365 shared votes100%
- Bryan ÁvilaR707 shared votes100%
- Tommy WrightR854 shared votes100%
- Jim BoydR828 shared votes100%
- Jason BrodeurR800 shared votes100%
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Burgess least often
- Carlos SmithD388 shared votes83%
- Lori BermanD847 shared votes86%
- Dave SmithR338 shared votes87%
- Tracie DavisD726 shared votes88%
- LaVon Bracy DavisD364 shared votes88%
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
FL 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Legislation
Burgess sponsored 57 bills in the FL 2025–26 session; 6 became law. Cosponsored 18 others. 70% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Florida Senate average 51%; 6th of 36).
The bills Burgess sponsored and cosponsored in the FL 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the FL 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 57 | 57 | 15 | 8 | 6 |
| Cosponsored | 18 | 18 | 10 | 3 | 2 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Burgess sponsored, ochre blocks bills Burgess cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
70%
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Florida Senate average 51%. Ranks 6th of 36.
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Burgess, by number of shared bills in the FL 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
- Barbara Sharief5
- Bryan Ávila4
- Darryl Rouson4
- Corey Simon3
- Clay Yarborough3
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Burgess’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| SB 2514E | Pre-K-12 Education | Sponsor | May 7, 2026 | Passed both chambers | Education(model) | Conference Committee appointed: Appropriations Conference Committee/Budget: Senator Hooper, Chair; Senators Berman, Boyd, Brodeur, Gruters, Passidomo, and Rouson, At Large; Appropriations Conference Committee on Agriculture, Environment, and General Government/Agriculture & Natural Resources: Senator Brodeur, Chair; Senators Arrington, Berman, DiCeglie, Grall, Massullo, McClain, Nathan, Pizzo, Rodriguez, Sharief, and Truenow; Appropriations Conference Committee on Agriculture, Environment, and General Government/State Administration: Senator Brodeur, Chair; Senators Arrington, Berman, DiCeglie, Grall, Massullo, McClain, Nathan, Pizzo, Rodriguez, Sharief, and Truenow; Appropriations Conference Committee on Criminal and Civil Justice/Justice: Senator Garcia, Chair; Senators Martin, Osgood, Polsky, Simon, Smith, Wright, and Yarborough; Appropriations Conference Committee on Health and Human Services/Health Care: Senator Trumbull, Chair; Senators Brodeur, Burton, Davis, Garcia, Harrell, Rodriguez, Rouson, and Sharief; Appropriations Conference Committee on Higher Education/Higher Education: Senator Harrell, Chair; Senators Bracy Davis, Bradley, Burgess, Calatayud, Davis, and Leek; Appropriations Conference Committee on Pre-K – 12 Education/Pre-K – 12: Senator Burgess, Chair; Senators Bradley, Calatayud, Gaetz, Jones, Massullo, Nathan, Osgood, Pizzo, Simon, and Yarborough; Appropriations Conference Committee on Transportation, Tourism, and Economic Development/Transportation & Economic Development: Senator DiCeglie, Chair; Senators Arrington, Avila, Bernard, Bracy Davis, Grall, Leek, Martin, Mayfield, McClain, Polsky, Smith, Truenow, and Wright. May 12, 2026 |
| SR 1816 | CyberBay | Sponsor | Mar 11, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Science, Technology, Communications(model) | Adopted Mar 12, 2026 |
| SB 1574 | Newborn Screenings | Cosponsor | Jan 9, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Health(model) | Died in Messages Mar 13, 2026 |
| SB 1666 | Department of Business and Professional Regulation | Sponsor | Jan 9, 2026 | In committee | Commerce(model) | Died in Regulated Industries Mar 13, 2026 |
| SB 1556 | Experimental Treatment Access Trust Fund/Department of Health | Sponsor | Jan 9, 2026 | In committee | Health(model) | Died in Health Policy Mar 13, 2026 |
Online
A site that changed 2 times in 90 days. Burgess’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Burgess’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Burgess posts with a vision model.
Websites
- 1
pages crawled
2changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
Images Burgess posted
No images from Burgess’s posts have been described.
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
State floor speeches
503 turns, Mar 11, 2021 to May 29, 2026
Floor speeches
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Burgess is most unusual among State Senate Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- 55815523-33b5-4d42-9864-28e00b805e68
- Open States
- ocd-person/55815523-33b5-4d42-9864-28e00b805e68
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
- Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
- Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab