Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 3, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Immigration; Labor and Employment; Government Operations and Politics · Source

CSIP score −0.11 (approximate range −0.12 to −0.09, which understates the uncertainty); negative is left of the scale’s centre, positive right. From 245 donors and 463 roll calls.
CSIP places every official on one left–right scale estimated from roll-call votes, campaign donations and the text of statements; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of moderate. The share says where Deevers sits among State Senate Republicans, not how far from the centre.
6 measures against State Senate Republicans. 8.9% of the 179 bills Deevers sponsored got out of committee, in the bottom 5% of the Oklahoma Senate. Deevers voted against the majority of Oklahoma Senate Republicans 513 times; party unity 75%, in the bottom tenth of the Oklahoma Senate (average 90.2%).
The measures on which Deevers sits furthest from the middle of State Senate Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
CSIP ideology
More liberal than 97% of State Senate Republicans · ± 0.01
Out of committee
Oklahoma Senate average 56% · ranks 46th of 47
Party unity
Oklahoma Senate average 90.2% · ranks 45th of 47 · 513 votes against the majority of Oklahoma Senate Republicans
From Oklahoma, 2026
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 678th of 860 State Senate Republicans
Attendance
Oklahoma Senate average 93.7% · ranks 11th of 47 · 1,658 roll calls
Extreme labels
State Senate Republicans average 1.3% · ranks 75th of 354
Peer group: State Senate Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Deevers, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Deevers is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Deevers stresses bipartisanship less than 74% of State Senate Republicans. Bipartisanship in 0.2% of 1,407 statements, against 2.3% for the average State Senate Republican; 265th of 354.
An AI model reads each of Deevers’s 1,407 statements in the OK 2025–26 session (1,407 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Republicans and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the OK 2025–26 session
| Row | Deevers | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 27% | 37% |
| Policy criticism | 10% | 9% |
| Credit claiming | 8% | 15% |
| Personal attacks | 2% | 2% |
| Bipartisanship | 0% | 2% |
statements classified
1,407 posts on X.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 1,407 |
The thick bar is Deevers; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Republicans. A longer thick bar means Deevers does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Deevers used extreme labels in 1.8% of statements, above the peer average. 25 statements, most often aimed at leftists; peers 1.3%.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the OK 2025–26 session
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 308 | 1.6% | 21.1% | 43.5% | 0.3% | 19.2% | 1.3% |
| Feb ’25 | 37 | 2.7% | 13.5% | 35.1% | 0.0% | 27.0% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’25 | 18 | 0.0% | 11.1% | 38.9% | 5.6% | 16.7% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’25 | 96 | 4.2% | 11.5% | 24.0% | 0.0% | 4.2% | 4.2% |
| May ’25 | 39 | 2.6% | 20.5% | 43.6% | 0.0% | 12.8% | 7.7% |
| Jun ’25 | 53 | 1.9% | 7.5% | 22.6% | 0.0% | 1.9% | 1.9% |
| Jul ’25 | 47 | 0.0% | 10.6% | 21.3% | 0.0% | 4.3% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’25 | 96 | 0.0% | 13.5% | 27.1% | 0.0% | 5.2% | 2.1% |
| Sep ’25 | 84 | 1.2% | 1.2% | 2.4% | 0.0% | 1.2% | 5.9% |
| Oct ’25 | 82 | 6.1% | 0.0% | 2.4% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 2.4% |
| Nov ’25 | 52 | 0.0% | 5.8% | 15.4% | 0.0% | 1.9% | 0.0% |
| Dec ’25 | 14 | 0.0% | 14.3% | 28.6% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 7.1% |
| Jan ’26 | 111 | 1.8% | 0.0% | 24.3% | 0.0% | 3.6% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’26 | 33 | 0.0% | 12.1% | 33.3% | 0.0% | 3.0% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’26 | 25 | 0.0% | 20.0% | 48.0% | 4.0% | 8.0% | 8.0% |
| Apr ’26 | 80 | 0.0% | 2.5% | 13.8% | 0.0% | 3.8% | 1.3% |
| May ’26 | 32 | 0.0% | 9.4% | 25.0% | 0.0% | 18.8% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’26 | 38 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 7.9% | 0.0% | 13.2% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’26 | 57 | 0.0% | 5.3% | 21.1% | 0.0% | 1.8% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’26 | 34 | 8.8% | 2.9% | 29.4% | 0.0% | 8.8% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’26 | 33 | 3.0% | 12.1% | 48.5% | 0.0% | 6.1% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’26 | 38 | 2.6% | 0.0% | 13.2% | 0.0% | 2.6% | 0.0% |
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the OK 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 3, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Immigration; Labor and Employment; Government Operations and Politics · Source
Bipartisanship
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Mar 31, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; bipartisanship; Government Operations and Politics · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Apr 2, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · extreme label “extreme” aimed at Right Wing · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: JamesSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues · Health · target: mothersSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues · Health · Crime and Law Enforcement · target: Jean HausheerSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues · target: Lindsay ClancySource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacksSource
Newest first, the OK 2025–26 session
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 1,407 posts on X.
Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues is what Deevers talks about most: 30% of policy statements, 6.1 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.58 on a 0–1 scale (State Senate Republicans average 0.52; 75th of 226).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Deevers talks about. The bills Deevers sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
Share of policy statements by area, the OK 2025–26 session
| Row | Deevers | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 30% | 5% |
| Taxation | 13% | 7% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 12% | 17% |
| Health | 12% | 9% |
| Immigration | 11% | 4% |
The thick bar is the share of Deevers’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Republicans averages.
| Area | Talks about | State Senate Republicans, talks about | Legislates on | State Senate Republicans, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 30% | 5% | 7% | 3% |
| Taxation | 13% | 7% | 25% | 10% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 12% | 17% | 10% | 12% |
| Health | 12% | 9% | 8% | 11% |
| Immigration | 11% | 4% | 3% | 1% |
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State Senate Republicans average 0.52. Ranks 75th of 226.
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Deevers legislates on exactly the areas Deevers talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Deevers sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Deevers sits at −0.11 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more liberal than 97% of State Senate Republicans. Approximate range −0.12 to −0.09, which understates the uncertainty; from 245 donors and 463 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −0.12 to −0.09. From 245 donors and 463 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Deevers, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Deevers’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Deevers |
|---|---|---|---|
| State Senate Republicans | 1083 | +0.4 | 3% |
| Oklahoma Senate | 47 | +0.4 | 17% |
| All State Senate | 1909 | +0.1 | 44% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Deevers in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Deevers.
Deevers reported $51.8K in the 2026 cycle, close to the State Senate Republicans’ median of $46.2K. State filings report no small-donation total. 83% of itemized individual money came from Oklahoma.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 104 itemized donors. State Senate Republicans’ median $46.2K.
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $43.9K | 84.8% |
| PACs and other committees | $7,900 | 15.2% |
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Itemized contributions, 2024 to 2026. The grey line is the State Senate Republicans’ median for 2026.
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2024 cycle | $120.9K |
| 2026 cycle | $51.8K |
Itemized contributions by donor state. 83% came from Oklahoma.
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Oklahoma | $36.3K |
| Texas | $2,709 |
| Tennessee | $679 |
| Florida | $678 |
| Pennsylvania | $574 |
| Idaho | $574 |
| Connecticut | $500 |
| Colorado | $352 |
| Michigan | $313 |
| Arkansas | $252 |
| Iowa | $250 |
| North Carolina | $157 |
| Indiana | $105 |
| California | $105 |
| New Mexico | $104 |
| Virginia | $100 |
| Wisconsin | $52 |
| New York | $52 |
| Utah | $52 |
| Arizona | $52 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from Oklahoma
Of itemized individual dollars
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Oklahoma. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Deevers voted with the majority of Oklahoma Senate Republicans on 75% of party-line votes and missed 3.0% of 1,658 roll calls. Oklahoma Senate on average: 90.2% party unity, 93.7% attendance. Across all roll calls, Deevers voted against the majority of Oklahoma Senate Republicans 513 times.
1,658 roll calls Deevers could vote on in the OK 2025–26 session, compared with Oklahoma Senate. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Deevers voted with the majority of Oklahoma Senate Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
votes against the majority of Oklahoma Senate Republicans
Party unity 75%, Oklahoma Senate average 90.2%, ranks 45th of 47. 1,658 roll calls in the OK 2025–26 session.
The thick bar is Deevers, the thin grey bar the Oklahoma Senate average. The scale runs from 70% to 100% to show the gap.
| Row | Deevers | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 97.0% | 93.7% |
| Party unity | 75% | 90.2% |
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the OK 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| May 14, 2026 | SB 1360 Mathematics instruction; Oklahoma Math Achievement and Proficiency Act; teacher training; creating the Office of Mathematics Improvement; Director; screening instrument; funding. Effective date. Emergency. Fourth Reading | Yea | With majority | pass | D 9–0 · R 35–0Democrats 9 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 35 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| May 14, 2026 | SJR 52 Joint resolution; approving certain proposed permanent rules of the Oklahoma Health Care Authority. Fourth Reading | Nay | Against majority | pass | D 8–0 · R 28–8Democrats 8 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 28 yea, 8 nay | became law · party crossover |
| May 14, 2026 | HB 3004 Professions and occupations; Board of Examiners in Optometry; sunset; effective date; emergency. Veto Override With Emergency | Yea | With majority | pass | D 9–0 · R 38–0Democrats 9 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 38 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| May 14, 2026 | HJR 1092 Joint Resolution; Oklahoma Uniform Building Code Commission; approving certain proposed permanent rule changes; directing distribution. Third Reading | Nay | Against majority | pass | D 8–1 · R 29–9Democrats 8 yea, 1 nay; Republicans 29 yea, 9 nay | became law · party crossover |
| May 14, 2026 | SB 2071 Agriculture; Oklahoma Milk and Milk Products Act; clarifying jurisdictional authority of dairy inspection and grading programs. Effective date. House Amendments | Nay | With majority | fail | D 1–7 · R 16–20Democrats 1 yea, 7 nay; Republicans 16 yea, 20 nay | party crossover |
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
The colleagues who voted the same way as Deevers most often
The colleagues who voted the same way as Deevers least often
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
OK 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Deevers sponsored 179 bills in the OK 2025–26 session; none became law. Cosponsored 0 others. 8.9% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Oklahoma Senate average 56%; 46th of 47).
The bills Deevers sponsored and cosponsored in the OK 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the OK 2025–26 session
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 179 | 177 | 3 | 2 | 0 |
| Cosponsored | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
Ink blocks are bills Deevers sponsored, ochre blocks bills Deevers cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Oklahoma Senate average 56%. Ranks 46th of 47.
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Deevers, by number of shared bills in the OK 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Deevers’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| HCR 1021 | Concurrent Resolution; honoring Chuck Norris, a native of Ryan, Oklahoma, for his contributions to the State of Oklahoma and the nation. | Sponsor | Mar 23, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Coauthored by Senator Burns Mar 24, 2026 |
| SB 2119 | Transportation; providing certain factors for distribution of certain funds. Effective date. Emergency. | Sponsor | Feb 2, 2026 | In committee | Transportation and Public Works(model) | Second Reading referred to Aeronautics and Transportation Committee then to Appropriations Committee Feb 3, 2026 |
| SB 2108 | Feral swine; authorizing and prohibiting certain acts related to nuisance control. Effective date. | Sponsor | Feb 2, 2026 | In committee | Agriculture and Food(model) | Placed on General Order Feb 11, 2026 |
| SB 1951 | Reproductive health and fertility; creating the Reproductive Empowerment and Support Through Optimal Restoration (RESTORE) Act. Effective date. | Sponsor | Feb 2, 2026 | In committee | Health(model) | Second Reading referred to Health and Human Services Committee then to Appropriations Committee Feb 3, 2026 |
| SB 2078 | Motor vehicles; creating the Oklahoma Diesel Engine Freedom Act. Emergency. | Sponsor | Feb 2, 2026 | In committee | Transportation and Public Works(model) | Coauthored by Representative West (Rick) (principal House author) Feb 5, 2026 |
A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Deevers’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Deevers’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Deevers posts with a vision model.
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
No images from Deevers’s posts have been described.
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
339 turns, Feb 22, 2024 to May 14, 2026
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which Deevers is most unusual among State Senate Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab