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Democrat · Wisconsin Senate, district 27

Serving since Jan 3, 2023WI 2025–26 session

Portrait of Dianne Hesselbein, rendered as a two-tone print
Official portrait
0.74
agreement between talk and bills (0 to 1), in the top 5% of State Senate Democrats

Agreement 0.74 on a 0–1 scale; the average for State Senate Democrats is 0.56. Ranks 3rd of 228, where 1st is the closest match.

How closely the mix of policy areas in Hesselbein’s statements matches the mix in the bills Hesselbein sponsors and cosponsors: 1 means the same areas in the same proportions, 0 means no overlap. Ranked among State Senate Democrats.

At a glance

6 measures against State Senate Democrats. Hesselbein sits at −0.28 on the CSIP scale, more conservative than 93% of State Senate Democrats. 10% of the 340 bills Hesselbein sponsored got out of committee, in the bottom quarter of the Wisconsin Senate.

The measures on which Hesselbein sits furthest from the middle of State Senate Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.

Talk-to-bills agreement

0.74

State Senate Democrats average 0.56 · ranks 3rd of 228

CSIP ideology

−0.28

More conservative than 93% of State Senate Democrats · ± 0.02

Out of committee

10%

Wisconsin Senate average 43% · ranks 29th of 33

Bipartisanship

6.7%

State Senate Democrats average 3.4% · ranks 49th of 329

Itemized, 2026

$167.9K

State Senate Democrats’ median $55.5K · ranks 175th of 746

Party unity

96.7%

Wisconsin Senate average 97.3% · ranks 23rd of 32 · 6 votes against the majority of Wisconsin Senate Democrats

Peer group: State Senate Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Hesselbein, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Hesselbein is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).

Back to topNext: What politicians say

What Hesselbein says

Hesselbein attacks opponents personally about as often as the median State Senate Democrat. Personal attacks in 0.3% of 390 statements, against 2.4% for the average State Senate Democrat; 159th of 329.

An AI model reads each of Hesselbein’s 390 statements in the WI 2025–26 session (390 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Democrats and ranked among them.

Kinds of statement

Share of statements carrying each label, the WI 2025–26 session

0%80%
Hesselbein
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion216 statements
55%
43%
98th of 329
Credit claiming76 statements
19%
16%
118th of 329
Policy criticism39 statements
10%
10%
139th of 329
Bipartisanship26 statements
7%
3%
49th of 329
Personal attacks1 statements
0%
2%
159th of 329
Show the data
Hesselbein's share of statements in each category against the State Senate Democrats average.
RowHesselbeinPeers
Policy discussion55%43%
Credit claiming19%16%
Policy criticism10%10%
Bipartisanship7%3%
Personal attacks0%2%
390

statements classified

390 posts on X.

posts on X: 390 (100.0%)posts on X 390
Show the data
Hesselbein's statements by source
PartValue
posts on X390
How to read the bars

The thick bar is Hesselbein; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Democrats. A longer thick bar means Hesselbein does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.

Extreme labels

Hesselbein used no extreme labels in 390 statements. The peer average is 0.8%.

No extreme labels in this window.

Who gets the labels

Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements

No targets recorded.

What an extreme label is

Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.

Month by month

Share of statements per month, the WI 2025–26 session

Statements2025-01: 162025-02: 162025-03: 42025-04: 92025-05: 212025-06: 162025-07: 142025-08: 262025-09: 282025-10: 132025-11: 32025-12: 72026-01: 172026-02: 342026-03: 322026-04: 302026-05: 272026-06: 212026-07: 172026-08: 132026-09: 152026-10: 11peak 34 · Feb ’26Personal attackspeak 6.3% · Jun ’25 · latest 0.0%Personal attacks, 2025-01: 0.0% of 16Personal attacks, 2025-02: 0.0% of 16Personal attacks, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-05: 0.0% of 21Personal attacks, 2025-06: 6.3% of 16Personal attacks, 2025-07: 0.0% of 14Personal attacks, 2025-08: 0.0% of 26Personal attacks, 2025-09: 0.0% of 28Personal attacks, 2025-10: 0.0% of 13Personal attacks, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-01: 0.0% of 17Personal attacks, 2026-02: 0.0% of 34Personal attacks, 2026-03: 0.0% of 32Personal attacks, 2026-04: 0.0% of 30Personal attacks, 2026-05: 0.0% of 27Personal attacks, 2026-06: 0.0% of 21Personal attacks, 2026-07: 0.0% of 17Personal attacks, 2026-08: 0.0% of 13Personal attacks, 2026-09: 0.0% of 15Personal attacks, 2026-10: 0.0% of 11Policy criticismpeak 43.8% · Jun ’25 · latest 0.0%Policy criticism, 2025-01: 25.0% of 16Policy criticism, 2025-02: 6.3% of 16Policy criticism, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-05: 23.8% of 21Policy criticism, 2025-06: 43.8% of 16Policy criticism, 2025-07: 21.4% of 14Policy criticism, 2025-08: 3.9% of 26Policy criticism, 2025-09: 3.6% of 28Policy criticism, 2025-10: 23.1% of 13Policy criticism, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-01: 0.0% of 17Policy criticism, 2026-02: 2.9% of 34Policy criticism, 2026-03: 9.4% of 32Policy criticism, 2026-04: 6.7% of 30Policy criticism, 2026-05: 0.0% of 27Policy criticism, 2026-06: 9.5% of 21Policy criticism, 2026-07: 5.9% of 17Policy criticism, 2026-08: 0.0% of 13Policy criticism, 2026-09: 13.3% of 15Policy criticism, 2026-10: 0.0% of 11Policy discussionpeak 85.7% · May ’25 · latest 54.5%Policy discussion, 2025-01: 50.0% of 16Policy discussion, 2025-02: 75.0% of 16Policy discussion, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-05: 85.7% of 21Policy discussion, 2025-06: 75.0% of 16Policy discussion, 2025-07: 28.6% of 14Policy discussion, 2025-08: 53.8% of 26Policy discussion, 2025-09: 39.3% of 28Policy discussion, 2025-10: 46.2% of 13Policy discussion, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-01: 82.3% of 17Policy discussion, 2026-02: 55.9% of 34Policy discussion, 2026-03: 37.5% of 32Policy discussion, 2026-04: 66.7% of 30Policy discussion, 2026-05: 33.3% of 27Policy discussion, 2026-06: 52.4% of 21Policy discussion, 2026-07: 41.2% of 17Policy discussion, 2026-08: 76.9% of 13Policy discussion, 2026-09: 66.7% of 15Policy discussion, 2026-10: 54.5% of 11Bipartisanshippeak 18.8% · Feb ’25 · latest 0.0%Bipartisanship, 2025-01: 12.5% of 16Bipartisanship, 2025-02: 18.8% of 16Bipartisanship, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-05: 4.8% of 21Bipartisanship, 2025-06: 18.8% of 16Bipartisanship, 2025-07: 7.1% of 14Bipartisanship, 2025-08: 3.9% of 26Bipartisanship, 2025-09: 14.3% of 28Bipartisanship, 2025-10: 7.7% of 13Bipartisanship, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-01: 5.9% of 17Bipartisanship, 2026-02: 0.0% of 34Bipartisanship, 2026-03: 3.1% of 32Bipartisanship, 2026-04: 3.3% of 30Bipartisanship, 2026-05: 3.7% of 27Bipartisanship, 2026-06: 14.3% of 21Bipartisanship, 2026-07: 0.0% of 17Bipartisanship, 2026-08: 0.0% of 13Bipartisanship, 2026-09: 0.0% of 15Bipartisanship, 2026-10: 0.0% of 11Credit claimingpeak 42.9% · May ’25 · latest 0.0%Credit claiming, 2025-01: 12.5% of 16Credit claiming, 2025-02: 18.8% of 16Credit claiming, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-05: 42.9% of 21Credit claiming, 2025-06: 6.3% of 16Credit claiming, 2025-07: 21.4% of 14Credit claiming, 2025-08: 15.4% of 26Credit claiming, 2025-09: 21.4% of 28Credit claiming, 2025-10: 23.1% of 13Credit claiming, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-01: 29.4% of 17Credit claiming, 2026-02: 32.4% of 34Credit claiming, 2026-03: 15.6% of 32Credit claiming, 2026-04: 23.3% of 30Credit claiming, 2026-05: 18.5% of 27Credit claiming, 2026-06: 4.8% of 21Credit claiming, 2026-07: 23.5% of 17Credit claiming, 2026-08: 15.4% of 13Credit claiming, 2026-09: 6.7% of 15Credit claiming, 2026-10: 0.0% of 11Extreme labelspeak 0.0% · Jan ’25 · latest 0.0%Extreme labels, 2025-01: 0.0% of 16Extreme labels, 2025-02: 0.0% of 16Extreme labels, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-05: 0.0% of 21Extreme labels, 2025-06: 0.0% of 16Extreme labels, 2025-07: 0.0% of 14Extreme labels, 2025-08: 0.0% of 26Extreme labels, 2025-09: 0.0% of 28Extreme labels, 2025-10: 0.0% of 13Extreme labels, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-01: 0.0% of 17Extreme labels, 2026-02: 0.0% of 34Extreme labels, 2026-03: 0.0% of 32Extreme labels, 2026-04: 0.0% of 30Extreme labels, 2026-05: 0.0% of 27Extreme labels, 2026-06: 0.0% of 21Extreme labels, 2026-07: 0.0% of 17Extreme labels, 2026-08: 0.0% of 13Extreme labels, 2026-09: 0.0% of 15Extreme labels, 2026-10: 0.0% of 11Jan ’25Jul ’25Jan ’26Jul ’26Oct ’26
Show the data
Monthly rates for Hesselbein, each row shaded against its own peak, with statement volume. Months with fewer than 10 statements are left blank.
ColumnStatementsPersonal attacksPolicy criticismPolicy discussionBipartisanshipCredit claimingExtreme labels
Jan ’25160.0%25.0%50.0%12.5%12.5%0.0%
Feb ’25160.0%6.3%75.0%18.8%18.8%0.0%
Mar ’254— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Apr ’259— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
May ’25210.0%23.8%85.7%4.8%42.9%0.0%
Jun ’25166.3%43.8%75.0%18.8%6.3%0.0%
Jul ’25140.0%21.4%28.6%7.1%21.4%0.0%
Aug ’25260.0%3.9%53.8%3.9%15.4%0.0%
Sep ’25280.0%3.6%39.3%14.3%21.4%0.0%
Oct ’25130.0%23.1%46.2%7.7%23.1%0.0%
Nov ’253— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Dec ’257— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jan ’26170.0%0.0%82.3%5.9%29.4%0.0%
Feb ’26340.0%2.9%55.9%0.0%32.4%0.0%
Mar ’26320.0%9.4%37.5%3.1%15.6%0.0%
Apr ’26300.0%6.7%66.7%3.3%23.3%0.0%
May ’26270.0%0.0%33.3%3.7%18.5%0.0%
Jun ’26210.0%9.5%52.4%14.3%4.8%0.0%
Jul ’26170.0%5.9%41.2%0.0%23.5%0.0%
Aug ’26130.0%0.0%76.9%0.0%15.4%0.0%
Sep ’26150.0%13.3%66.7%0.0%6.7%0.0%
Oct ’26110.0%0.0%54.5%0.0%0.0%0.0%
How to read the strips

Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the WI 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 4 months are hatched here.

In Hesselbein’s words

Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned

Policy discussion

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Oct 20, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Public Lands and Natural Resources · Source

Bipartisanship

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Jun 25, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; bipartisanship; Families · Source

Personal attacks

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Jun 9, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; policy discussion; Agriculture and Food; target: Trump Administration · Source

Examples by category

Up to five recent statements in each category

Category

Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.

  1. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · policy discussion · Agriculture and Food · target: Trump AdministrationSource

All 390 statements

Newest first, the WI 2025–26 session

The full feed

Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 390 posts on X.

Back to topNext: Policy

Policy

Health is what Hesselbein talks about most: 23% of policy statements, above the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.74 on a 0–1 scale (State Senate Democrats average 0.56; 3rd of 228).

Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Hesselbein talks about. The bills Hesselbein sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.

What Hesselbein talks about

Share of policy statements by area, the WI 2025–26 session

0%35%
Hesselbein
Peers
Health49 statements
23%
17%
Education32 statements
15%
15%
Government Operations and Politics27 statements
13%
14%
Agriculture and Food24 statements
11%
5%
Families20 statements
9%
5%
Show the data
Policy areas Hesselbein talks about, as a share of policy statements, against the State Senate Democrats average.
RowHesselbeinPeers
Health23%17%
Education15%15%
Government Operations and Politics13%14%
Agriculture and Food11%5%
Families9%5%
How to read the bars

The thick bar is the share of Hesselbein’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

Talks about · legislates on

Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Democrats averages.

Talks aboutLegislates onHealthHealth, talks about: 23% (State Senate Democrats 17%)23%Health, legislates on: 14% (State Senate Democrats 15%)14%EducationEducation, talks about: 15% (State Senate Democrats 15%)15%Education, legislates on: 12% (State Senate Democrats 9%)12%Government Operations andPoliticsGovernment Operations and Politics, talks about: 13% (State Senate Democrats 14%)13%Government Operations and Politics, legislates on: 10% (State Senate Democrats 8%)10%Agriculture and FoodAgriculture and Food, talks about: 11% (State Senate Democrats 5%)11%Agriculture and Food, legislates on: 5% (State Senate Democrats 3%)5%FamiliesFamilies, talks about: 9% (State Senate Democrats 5%)9%Families, legislates on: 4% (State Senate Democrats 3%)4%
Show the data
Hesselbein's share of statements against share of bills in each policy area.
AreaTalks aboutState Senate Democrats, talks aboutLegislates onState Senate Democrats, legislates on
Health23%17%14%15%
Education15%15%12%9%
Government Operations and Politics13%14%10%8%
Agriculture and Food11%5%5%3%
Families9%5%4%3%
0.74

talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1

State Senate Democrats average 0.56. Ranks 3rd of 228.

What agreement means, and what it doesn’t

Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Hesselbein legislates on exactly the areas Hesselbein talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Hesselbein sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.

Back to topNext: Ideology

Ideology

Hesselbein sits at −0.28 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more conservative than 93% of State Senate Democrats. Approximate range −0.30 to −0.25, which understates the uncertainty; from 1,212 donors and 588 roll calls.

CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.

−0.28

CSIP ideal point

Approximate range −0.30 to −0.25. From 1,212 donors and 588 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.

← More liberalMore conservative →0Hesselbein −0.3State Senate Democrats −0.7Wisconsin Senate +0.6All State Senate +0.1

The outlined dot is Hesselbein, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Hesselbein’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.

What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.

Where Hesselbein sits

Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale

−2.0−1.00.0+1.0+2.0← More liberalMore conservative →State Senate Democratsmedian −0.7Hesselbein −0.3Wisconsin Senatemedian +0.6All State Senatemedian +0.1
Show the data
Hesselbein's CSIP score of −0.28 placed against State Senate Democrats, Wisconsin Senate, All State Senate.
GroupOfficialsMedianShare left of Hesselbein
State Senate Democrats825−0.793%
Wisconsin Senate33+0.642%
All State Senate1909+0.140%
How to read the strips

Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Hesselbein in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Hesselbein.

Back to topNext: Money

Money

Hesselbein reported $167.9K in the 2026 cycle, 3.0 times the State Senate Democrats’ median of $55.5K. State filings report no small-donation total. 91% of itemized individual money came from Wisconsin.

Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.

Election cycle
$167.9K

itemized in the 2026 cycle

From 518 itemized donors. State Senate Democrats’ median $55.5K.

Where the money came from

Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.

Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)Individuals (itemized): $121.1K (72.1%)PACs and other committees: $46.8K (27.9%)PACs and other committees: $46.8K (27.9%)PACs and other committees: $46.8K (27.9%)PACs and other committees: $46.8K (27.9%)PACs and other committees: $46.8K (27.9%)PACs and other committees: $46.8K (27.9%)PACs and other committees: $46.8K (27.9%)PACs and other committees: $46.8K (27.9%)PACs and other committees: $46.8K (27.9%)PACs and other committees: $46.8K (27.9%)PACs and other committees: $46.8K (27.9%)PACs and other committees: $46.8K (27.9%)PACs and other committees: $46.8K (27.9%)PACs and other committees: $46.8K (27.9%)PACs and other committees: $46.8K (27.9%)PACs and other committees: $46.8K (27.9%)PACs and other committees: $46.8K (27.9%)PACs and other committees: $46.8K (27.9%)PACs and other committees: $46.8K (27.9%)PACs and other committees: $46.8K (27.9%)PACs and other committees: $46.8K (27.9%)PACs and other committees: $46.8K (27.9%)PACs and other committees: $46.8K (27.9%)PACs and other committees: $46.8K (27.9%)PACs and other committees: $46.8K (27.9%)PACs and other committees: $46.8K (27.9%)PACs and other committees: $46.8K (27.9%)PACs and other committees: $46.8K (27.9%)
  • Individuals (itemized)72 squares$121.1K
  • PACs and other committees28 squares$46.8K
Show the data
Sources of Hesselbein's money, 2026 cycle, one square per percent
SourceAmountShare
Individuals (itemized)$121.1K72.1%
PACs and other committees$46.8K27.9%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.

Receipts by cycle

Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State Senate Democrats’ median for 2026.

2020 cycle: $65.0K$65.0K20202022 cycle: $146.6K$146.6K20222024 cycle: $168.6K$168.6K20242026 cycle: $167.9K$167.9K2026State Senate Democrats median $55.5K
Show the data
Hesselbein's receipts by cycle against the 2026 State Senate Democrats median.
ItemValue
2020 cycle$65.0K
2022 cycle$146.6K
2024 cycle$168.6K
2026 cycle$167.9K

Top donor states, 2026

Itemized contributions by donor state. 91% came from Wisconsin.

  1. Wisconsin$110.2K
  2. Washington$4,011
  3. Maryland$2,158
  4. Colorado$2,020
  5. Minnesota$710

Small donations

State filings report no total for small gifts.

Not reported in state filings.

Where itemized donors live

Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state

Alaska: no dataAKMaine: $14MEVermont: $5VTNew Hampshire: $14NHWashington: $4,011WAIdaho: no dataIDMontana: no dataMTNorth Dakota: no dataNDMinnesota: $710MNIllinois: $696ILWisconsin: $110.2KWIMichigan: $61MINew York: $58NYRhode Island: $56RIMassachusetts: $33MAOregon: $24ORNevada: $33NVWyoming: no dataWYSouth Dakota: no dataSDIowa: $31IAIndiana: no dataINOhio: $14OHPennsylvania: $59PANew Jersey: $33NJConnecticut: $2CTCalifornia: $324CAUtah: no dataUTColorado: $2,020CONebraska: no dataNEMissouri: no dataMOKentucky: $15KYWest Virginia: no dataWVVirginia: $15VAMaryland: $2,158MDDelaware: $12DEArizona: $66AZNew Mexico: no dataNMKansas: no dataKSArkansas: no dataARTennessee: $46TNNorth Carolina: $29NCSouth Carolina: no dataSCDistrict of Columbia: $5DCOklahoma: no dataOKLouisiana: $4LAMississippi: no dataMSAlabama: $14ALGeorgia: $6GAHawaii: $2HITexas: $30TXFlorida: $308FL
Show the data
Hesselbein's itemized individual contributions by donor state, 2026 cycle
StateValue
Wisconsin$110.2K
Washington$4,011
Maryland$2,158
Colorado$2,020
Minnesota$710
Illinois$696
California$324
Florida$308
Arizona$66
Michigan$61
Pennsylvania$59
New York$58
Rhode Island$56
Tennessee$46
Nevada$33
Massachusetts$33
New Jersey$33
Iowa$31
Texas$30
North Carolina$29
Oregon$24
Kentucky$15
Virginia$15
Maine$14
New Hampshire$14
Ohio$14
Alabama$14
Delaware$12
Georgia$6
Vermont$5
District of Columbia$5
Louisiana$4
Connecticut$2
Hawaii$2
AlaskaNo data
IdahoNo data
MontanaNo data
North DakotaNo data
WyomingNo data
South DakotaNo data
IndianaNo data
UtahNo data
NebraskaNo data
MissouriNo data
West VirginiaNo data
New MexicoNo data
KansasNo data
ArkansasNo data
South CarolinaNo data
OklahomaNo data
MississippiNo data
518

itemized donors

People who gave more than $200

91%

from Wisconsin

Of itemized individual dollars

How to read the map

Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Wisconsin. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.

Top donor occupations

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

  1. BUSINESS EXECUTIVE$18.3K 18 donors
  2. RETIRED$12.5K 48 donors
  3. REALTOR$7,474 23 donors
  4. ATTORNEY$4,225 33 donors
  5. AUTO DEALER OWNER$4,000 4 donors

Top committees

PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.

  1. CARESOURCE MISSION PAC$2,000
  2. IBEW LOCAL 159 COPE FUND$2,000
  3. SEIU WISCONSIN STATE COUNCIL PAC$2,000
  4. WEAC PAC$2,000
  5. BELL AMBULANCE, INC. EMPLOYEES PAC$1,500

Top employers

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

No employers reported.

Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.

Back to topNext: Votes

Votes

Hesselbein voted with the majority of Wisconsin Senate Democrats on 96.7% of party-line votes and missed none of 191 roll calls. Wisconsin Senate on average: 97.3% party unity, 99.8% attendance. Across all roll calls, Hesselbein voted against the majority of Wisconsin Senate Democrats 6 times.

191 roll calls Hesselbein could vote on in the WI 2025–26 session, compared with Wisconsin Senate. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Hesselbein voted with the majority of Wisconsin Senate Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.

6

votes against the majority of Wisconsin Senate Democrats

Party unity 96.7%, Wisconsin Senate average 97.3%, ranks 23rd of 32. 191 roll calls in the WI 2025–26 session.

Attendance and party unity

The thick bar is Hesselbein, the thin grey bar the Wisconsin Senate average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.

80%100%
Hesselbein
Peers
Rank
Attendance
100%
99.8%
15th of 32
Party unity
96.7%
97.3%
23rd of 32
Show the data
Hesselbein's attendance and party unity against Wisconsin Senate.
RowHesselbeinPeers
Attendance100%99.8%
Party unity96.7%97.3%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.

Key votes

25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the WI 2025–26 session

Key votes
Party split (yea–nay)Why it’s key
Mar 17, 2026
AB 911
Relating to: funding for a battery collection and recycling program and making an appropriation. (FE)
CONCURRENCE
YeaWith majoritypassD 15–0 · R 18–0Democrats 15 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 18 yea, 0 naybecame law
Mar 17, 2026
AB 454
Relating to: a workforce home loan program. (FE)
CONCURRENCE
YeaWith majoritypassD 15–0 · R 16–2Democrats 15 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 16 yea, 2 naybecame law · party crossover · much discussed
Mar 17, 2026
AB 182
Relating to: changes to the low-income housing tax credit. (FE)
CONCURRENCE
YeaWith majoritypassD 15–0 · R 15–3Democrats 15 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 15 yea, 3 naybecame law · party crossover
Mar 17, 2026
AB 604
Relating to: coverage under the Medical Assistance program for incarcerated individuals. (FE)
CONCURRENCE
YeaWith majoritypassD 15–0 · R 17–1Democrats 15 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 17 yea, 1 naybecame law
Mar 17, 2026
AB 248
Relating to: vacancies in appointive state offices.
CONCURRENCE
NayWith majoritypassD 0–15 · R 17–1Democrats 0 yea, 15 nay; Republicans 17 yea, 1 nayclose vote
How key votes are chosen

Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.

Votes most often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Hesselbein most often

  1. Jodi Habush SinykinD191 shared votes96%
  2. Mark SpreitzerD191 shared votes96%
  3. Jamie WallD191 shared votes96%
  4. Kristin Dassler-AlfheimD191 shared votes96%
  5. Melissa RatcliffD191 shared votes96%

Votes least often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Hesselbein least often

  1. Chris KapengaR191 shared votes25%
  2. Steve NassR191 shared votes31%
  3. Rob HuttonR191 shared votes34%
  4. Rob StafsholtR190 shared votes36%
  5. André JacqueR191 shared votes36%
How to read the agreement lists

The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.

Full voting record

WI 2025–26 session, loads in batches

Back to topNext: Legislation

Legislation

Hesselbein sponsored 340 bills in the WI 2025–26 session; 8 became law. Cosponsored 0 others. 10% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Wisconsin Senate average 43%; 29th of 33).

The bills Hesselbein sponsored and cosponsored in the WI 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.

Bills by stage

Counts for the WI 2025–26 session

Sponsored340 billsSponsored, Introduced: 340340Sponsored, In committee: 340340Sponsored, Passed one chamber: 2525Sponsored, Passed both chambers: 88Sponsored, Became law: 88Cosponsored0 billsCosponsored, Introduced: 00Cosponsored, In committee: 00Cosponsored, Passed one chamber: 00Cosponsored, Passed both chambers: 00Cosponsored, Became law: 00IntroducedIncommitteePassed onechamberPassed bothchambersBecamelaw
Show the data
Bills Hesselbein sponsored and cosponsored, by furthest stage reached
RoleIntroducedIn committeePassed one chamberPassed both chambersBecame law
Sponsored3403402588
Cosponsored00000
How to read the blocks

Ink blocks are bills Hesselbein sponsored, ochre blocks bills Hesselbein cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.

10%

of sponsored bills got out of committee

Wisconsin Senate average 43%. Ranks 29th of 33.

Cosponsorship partners

Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Hesselbein, by number of shared bills in the WI 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.

  1. Mark Spreitzer307
  2. Melissa Ratcliff301
  3. Chris Larson270
  4. Kelda Roys266
  5. Kristin Dassler-Alfheim216
What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Hesselbein’s bills; the toggle shows more.

Bill list

Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest

Bills sponsored and cosponsored
SB 1162Relating to: eliminating recovery by the state for birth expenses paid through the Medical Assistance program. (FE)SponsorMar 19, 2026In committeeHealth(model)Failed to pass pursuant to Senate Joint Resolution 1 Mar 23, 2026
SB 1149Relating to: prescription drug cost reporting by manufacturers, making an appropriation, and providing a penalty. (FE)SponsorMar 19, 2026In committeeHealth(model)Failed to pass pursuant to Senate Joint Resolution 1 Mar 23, 2026
SB 1139Relating to: preference in state and local government contracts and procurement for materials manufactured in the United States and granting rule-making authority. (FE)SponsorMar 19, 2026In committeeGovernment Operations and Politics(model)Fiscal estimate received Apr 8, 2026
SB 1117Relating to: entering into an agreement among the states to elect the president and vice president of the United States by means of a national popular vote.SponsorMar 19, 2026In committeeGovernment Operations and Politics(model)Failed to pass pursuant to Senate Joint Resolution 1 Mar 23, 2026
SB 1115Relating to: minimum nurse staffing ratios in hospitals, registered nurses’ right to refuse a work assignment, prohibiting mandatory overtime for registered nurses, and providing a penalty.SponsorMar 19, 2026In committeeLabor and Employment(model)Failed to pass pursuant to Senate Joint Resolution 1 Mar 23, 2026

Back to topNext: Online

Online

A site that has not changed in 90 days. Hesselbein’s official site had 0 pages when last crawled.

The lab crawls Hesselbein’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Hesselbein posts with a vision model.

Websites

How to read the counts

“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.

Images Hesselbein posted

No images from Hesselbein’s posts have been described.

About the descriptions

Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

State floor speeches

No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.

Floor speeches

Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.

Back to topNext: Methods and sources

Methods and sources

How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.

The headline

The headline is the measure on which Hesselbein is most unusual among State Senate Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.

The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.

A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).

Identifiers

Profile id
57a316e3-b233-4460-abf5-193dd042291f
Open States
ocd-person/57a316e3-b233-4460-abf5-193dd042291f

Bulk files with the same data for every official:

Freshness of this profile’s data

  • What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
  • Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
  • Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
  • Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
  • Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
  • WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
  • State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.

How the measures work

What politicians say
Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
Extreme labels
A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
Policy areas and agreement
Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology (CSIP)
Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
Campaign money
Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
Votes and key votes
Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
Peers and ranks
Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.

America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab

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