Policy discussion
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Aug 28, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; credit claiming; Agriculture and Food; Commerce · Source

CSIP score −0.12 (approximate range −0.13 to −0.10, which understates the uncertainty); negative is left of the scale’s centre, positive right. From 17 donors and 589 roll calls.
CSIP places every official on one left–right scale estimated from roll-call votes, campaign donations and the text of statements; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of moderate. The share says where Holle sits among State House Republicans, not how far from the centre.
6 measures against State House Republicans. 100% of the 6 bills Holle sponsored got out of committee, in the top tenth of the North Dakota House. The policy areas Holle talks about and legislates on agree at 0.39 on a 0–1 scale, in the bottom quarter of State House Republicans.
The measures on which Holle sits furthest from the middle of State House Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
CSIP ideology
More liberal than 98% of State House Republicans · ± 0.02
Out of committee
North Dakota House average 61% · ranks 3rd of 47
Talk-to-bills agreement
State House Republicans average 0.53 · ranks 448th of 504
Attendance
North Dakota House average 96.7% · ranks 68th of 88 · 1,171 roll calls
From North Dakota, 2026
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 1468th of 2,335 State House Republicans
Party unity
North Dakota House average 79% · ranks 49th of 88 · 211 votes against the majority of North Dakota House Republicans
Peer group: State House Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Holle, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Holle is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Holle stresses bipartisanship more than 86% of State House Republicans. Bipartisanship in 3.9% of 153 statements, against 1.8% for the average State House Republican; 107th of 791.
An AI model reads each of Holle’s 153 statements in the ND 2025–26 session (153 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Republicans and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the ND 2025–26 session
| Row | Holle | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 50% | 32% |
| Credit claiming | 18% | 13% |
| Policy criticism | 12% | 9% |
| Bipartisanship | 4% | 2% |
| Personal attacks | 2% | 3% |
statements classified
153 posts on X.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 153 |
The thick bar is Holle; the thin grey bar is the average State House Republicans. A longer thick bar means Holle does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Holle used extreme labels in 3.3% of statements, 2.3 times the peer average. 5 statements, most often aimed at America; peers 1.4%.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the ND 2025–26 session
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Feb ’25 | 6 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Mar ’25 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Apr ’25 | 5 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| May ’25 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jun ’25 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jul ’25 | 32 | 3.1% | 12.5% | 62.5% | 6.3% | 25.0% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’25 | 21 | 0.0% | 9.5% | 66.7% | 4.8% | 14.3% | 19.1% |
| Sep ’25 | 14 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 28.6% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’25 | 44 | 4.5% | 18.2% | 47.7% | 0.0% | 9.1% | 2.3% |
| Nov ’25 | 9 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Dec ’25 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jan ’26 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Feb ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Mar ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Apr ’26 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| May ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jun ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jul ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’26 | 5 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’26 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Oct ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the ND 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 18 months are hatched here; 6 of them have no statements.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Policy discussion
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Aug 28, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; credit claiming; Agriculture and Food; Commerce · Source
Bipartisanship
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Aug 17, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; bipartisanship; credit claiming; Families · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 21, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Agriculture and Food; extreme label “extreme” aimed at MAGA · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: CacoccsSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: EconVonSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Yvonne HooperSource
Newest first, the ND 2025–26 session
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 153 posts on X.
Agriculture and Food is what Holle talks about most: 86% of policy statements, 19.4 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.39 on a 0–1 scale (State House Republicans average 0.53; 448th of 504).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Holle talks about. The bills Holle sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
Share of policy statements by area, the ND 2025–26 session
| Row | Holle | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Agriculture and Food | 86% | 4% |
| Commerce | 6% | 4% |
| Families | 5% | 4% |
| Foreign Trade and International Finance | 5% | 1% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 4% | 12% |
The thick bar is the share of Holle’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 94%. Grey ticks are the State House Republicans averages.
| Area | Talks about | State House Republicans, talks about | Legislates on | State House Republicans, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Agriculture and Food | 86% | 4% | 26% | 3% |
| Commerce | 6% | 4% | 0% | 3% |
| Families | 5% | 4% | 11% | 2% |
| Foreign Trade and International Finance | 5% | 1% | 0% | 0% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 4% | 12% | 2% | 2% |
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State House Republicans average 0.53. Ranks 448th of 504.
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Holle legislates on exactly the areas Holle talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Holle sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Holle sits at −0.12 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more liberal than 98% of State House Republicans. Approximate range −0.13 to −0.10, which understates the uncertainty; from 17 donors and 589 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −0.13 to −0.10. From 17 donors and 589 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Holle, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Holle’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Holle |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Republicans | 2917 | +0.4 | 2% |
| North Dakota House | 91 | 0.0 | 22% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 45% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Holle in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Holle.
Holle reported $31.5K in the 2026 cycle, close to the State House Republicans’ median of $33.7K. State filings report no small-donation total. 93% of itemized individual money came from North Dakota.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 16 itemized donors. State House Republicans’ median $33.7K.
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $18.8K | 59.8% |
| PACs and other committees | $6,181 | 19.6% |
| Party committees | $6,500 | 20.6% |
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Itemized contributions, 2022 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Republicans’ median for 2026.
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2022 cycle | $3,100 |
| 2024 cycle | $333 |
| 2026 cycle | $31.5K |
Itemized contributions by donor state. 93% came from North Dakota.
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| North Dakota | $17.6K |
| Montana | $1,000 |
| Minnesota | $250 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
| Florida | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from North Dakota
Of itemized individual dollars
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is North Dakota. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No occupations reported.
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Holle voted with the majority of North Dakota House Republicans on 80% of party-line votes and missed 4.4% of 1,171 roll calls. North Dakota House on average: 79% party unity, 96.7% attendance. Across all roll calls, Holle voted against the majority of North Dakota House Republicans 211 times.
1,171 roll calls Holle could vote on in the ND 2025–26 session, compared with North Dakota House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Holle voted with the majority of North Dakota House Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
votes against the majority of North Dakota House Republicans
Party unity 80%, North Dakota House average 79%, ranks 49th of 88. 1,171 roll calls in the ND 2025–26 session.
The thick bar is Holle, the thin grey bar the North Dakota House average. The scale runs from 70% to 100% to show the gap.
| Row | Holle | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 95.5% | 96.7% |
| Party unity | 80% | 79% |
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the ND 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sep 4, 2026 | HB 1628 AN ACT to create and enact a new subdivision to subsection 2 of section 12-60-24, subdivision lll of subsection 3 of section 19-03.1-05, and chapter 51-38 of the North Dakota Century Code, relating to criminal history record checks, the scheduling of kratom alkaloid derivatives as a schedule I contr Motion for Final Passage on HB 1628 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 10–1 · R 81–0Democrats 10 yea, 1 nay; Republicans 81 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| Sep 4, 2026 | SB 2408 A BILL for an Act to create and enact subdivision lll of subsection 3 of section 19-03.1-05 of the North Dakota Century Code, relating to the scheduling of kratom alkaloids and kratom alkaloid derivatives as a schedule I controlled substance; to amend and reenact section 19-03.1-22.3 and subsection Motion for Final Passage on SB 2408 | Nay | With majority | fail | D 7–4 · R 39–42Democrats 7 yea, 4 nay; Republicans 39 yea, 42 nay | close vote · party crossover |
| Sep 4, 2026 | SB 2407 AN ACT to provide an appropriation to the state historical society for the North Dakota military museum project; to amend and reenact section 55-01-02.1 of the North Dakota Century Code, relating to jurisdiction of the heritage center; to repeal subsection 3 of section 6 of chapter 17 of the 2025 Se Motion for Final Passage on SB 2407 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 3–8 · R 68–13Democrats 3 yea, 8 nay; Republicans 68 yea, 13 nay | became law · party crossover |
| Sep 3, 2026 | HB 1628 AN ACT to create and enact a new subdivision to subsection 2 of section 12-60-24, subdivision lll of subsection 3 of section 19-03.1-05, and chapter 51-38 of the North Dakota Century Code, relating to criminal history record checks, the scheduling of kratom alkaloid derivatives as a schedule I contr Motion for Final Passage on HB 1628 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 8–3 · R 78–2Democrats 8 yea, 3 nay; Republicans 78 yea, 2 nay | became law · party crossover |
| Jan 23, 2026 | SB 2402 AN ACT to create and enact two new sections to chapter 43-15 and a new subsection to section 43-48-03 of the North Dakota Century Code, relating to the prescriptive authority of pharmacists and therapeutic substitution; to amend and reenact subsection 1 of section 26.1-36.11-01 and section 43-15-01 Motion for Final Passage on SB 2402 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 10–0 · R 81–1Democrats 10 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 81 yea, 1 nay | became law |
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
The colleagues who voted the same way as Holle most often
The colleagues who voted the same way as Holle least often
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
ND 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Holle sponsored 6 bills in the ND 2025–26 session; 5 became law. Cosponsored 39 others. 100% of sponsored bills got out of committee (North Dakota House average 61%; 3rd of 47).
The bills Holle sponsored and cosponsored in the ND 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the ND 2025–26 session
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 6 | 6 | 6 | 5 | 5 |
| Cosponsored | 39 | 38 | 22 | 17 | 17 |
Ink blocks are bills Holle sponsored, ochre blocks bills Holle cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
North Dakota House average 61%. Ranks 3rd of 47.
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Holle, by number of shared bills in the ND 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Holle’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| SB 2403 | AN ACT to amend and reenact section 6-09-47 of the North Dakota Century Code, relating to a medical facility emergency operating loan program under the medical facility infrastructure loan fund; to provide an appropriation; to provide a transfer; to provide an effective date; and to provide an expir | Cosponsor | Jan 21, 2026 | Became law | Health(model) | Filed with Secretary Of State 01/23 Jan 28, 2026 |
| SCR 4029 | A concurrent resolution directing the Legislative Management to consider studying the costs and effects of planting and tending to sterile monoculture invasive plants and native plants within the state. | Cosponsor | Mar 7, 2025 | In committee | Environmental Protection(model) | Second reading, failed to adopt Mar 14, 2025 |
| HCR 3020 | A concurrent resolution urging North Dakota to acknowledge the Kingship of Jesus Christ. | Cosponsor | Jan 30, 2025 | In committee | Unassigned | Second reading, failed to adopt yeas 31 nays 59 Feb 18, 2025 |
| HCR 3019 | A concurrent resolution congratulating Donald J. Trump on his inauguration as President of the United States. | Sponsor | Jan 30, 2025 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Filed with Secretary Of State 03/21 Mar 20, 2025 |
| SB 2386 | AN ACT to amend and reenact subsection 3 of section 23-09.5-02 of the North Dakota Century Code, relating to cottage food transactions; and to declare an emergency. | Cosponsor | Jan 27, 2025 | Became law | Agriculture and Food(model) | Filed with Secretary Of State 03/20 Mar 24, 2025 |
A site that changed 2 times in 90 days. Holle’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Holle’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Holle posts with a vision model.
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
No images from Holle’s posts have been described.
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
38 turns, Jan 16, 2023 to Jan 23, 2026
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which Holle is most unusual among State House Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab