Skip to content

Republican · West Virginia Senate, district 1

Serving since Dec 1, 2022WV 2025–26 session

Portrait of Laura Chapman, rendered as a two-tone print
Official portrait
6.4%
of roll calls missed, attendance in the bottom tenth of the West Virginia Senate

Attendance 93.6%; the average within the West Virginia Senate is 97.9%. Ranks 33rd of 34, where 1st has the highest attendance. 799 roll calls in the WV 2025–26 session.

Attendance is the share of the roll calls Chapman could vote on where a yea, nay or present was recorded, ranked within the West Virginia Senate. A missed vote has many causes, from illness to campaigning; the number says how often, not why.

At a glance

6 measures against State Senate Republicans. 77% of Chapman’s itemized money in the 2026 cycle came from West Virginia, in the bottom quarter of State Senate Republicans. 11% of the 139 bills Chapman sponsored got out of committee, in the bottom quarter of the West Virginia Senate.

The measures on which Chapman sits furthest from the middle of State Senate Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.

Attendance

93.6%

West Virginia Senate average 97.9% · ranks 33rd of 34 · 799 roll calls

From West Virginia, 2026

77%

Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 717th of 860 State Senate Republicans

Out of committee

11%

West Virginia Senate average 26% · ranks 29th of 34

Credit claiming

27%

State Senate Republicans average 15% · ranks 61st of 354

Personal attacks

0%

State Senate Republicans average 2.3% · ranks 272nd of 354

CSIP ideology

+0.43

Right of 0, the centre of the scale · ± 0.05

Peer group: State Senate Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Chapman, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Chapman is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).

Back to topNext: What politicians say

What Chapman says

Chapman attacks opponents personally less than 76% of State Senate Republicans. Personal attacks in 0% of 381 statements, against 2.3% for the average State Senate Republican; 272nd of 354.

An AI model reads each of Chapman’s 381 statements in the WV 2025–26 session (381 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Republicans and ranked among them.

Kinds of statement

Share of statements carrying each label, the WV 2025–26 session

0%80%
Chapman
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion164 statements
43%
37%
144th of 354
Credit claiming103 statements
27%
15%
61st of 354
Policy criticism17 statements
4%
9%
210th of 354
Bipartisanship4 statements
1%
2%
206th of 354
Personal attacks0 statements
0%
2%
272nd of 354
Show the data
Chapman's share of statements in each category against the State Senate Republicans average.
RowChapmanPeers
Policy discussion43%37%
Credit claiming27%15%
Policy criticism4%9%
Bipartisanship1%2%
Personal attacks0%2%
381

statements classified

381 posts on X.

posts on X: 381 (100.0%)posts on X 381
Show the data
Chapman's statements by source
PartValue
posts on X381
How to read the bars

The thick bar is Chapman; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Republicans. A longer thick bar means Chapman does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.

Extreme labels

Chapman used no extreme labels in 381 statements. The peer average is 1.3%.

No extreme labels in this window.

Who gets the labels

Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements

No targets recorded.

What an extreme label is

Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.

Month by month

Share of statements per month, the WV 2025–26 session

Statements2025-01: 52025-02: 82025-03: 162025-04: 152025-05: 102025-06: 152025-07: 142025-08: 152025-09: 162025-10: 162025-11: 142025-12: 182026-01: 182026-02: 212026-03: 162026-04: 292026-05: 352026-06: 82026-07: 102026-08: 72026-09: 312026-10: 44peak 44 · Oct ’26Personal attackspeak 0.0% · Mar ’25 · latest 0.0%Personal attacks, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-03: 0.0% of 16Personal attacks, 2025-04: 0.0% of 15Personal attacks, 2025-05: 0.0% of 10Personal attacks, 2025-06: 0.0% of 15Personal attacks, 2025-07: 0.0% of 14Personal attacks, 2025-08: 0.0% of 15Personal attacks, 2025-09: 0.0% of 16Personal attacks, 2025-10: 0.0% of 16Personal attacks, 2025-11: 0.0% of 14Personal attacks, 2025-12: 0.0% of 18Personal attacks, 2026-01: 0.0% of 18Personal attacks, 2026-02: 0.0% of 21Personal attacks, 2026-03: 0.0% of 16Personal attacks, 2026-04: 0.0% of 29Personal attacks, 2026-05: 0.0% of 35Personal attacks, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-07: 0.0% of 10Personal attacks, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-09: 0.0% of 31Personal attacks, 2026-10: 0.0% of 44Policy criticismpeak 14.3% · Feb ’26 · latest 9.1%Policy criticism, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-03: 0.0% of 16Policy criticism, 2025-04: 13.3% of 15Policy criticism, 2025-05: 0.0% of 10Policy criticism, 2025-06: 0.0% of 15Policy criticism, 2025-07: 0.0% of 14Policy criticism, 2025-08: 6.7% of 15Policy criticism, 2025-09: 0.0% of 16Policy criticism, 2025-10: 0.0% of 16Policy criticism, 2025-11: 0.0% of 14Policy criticism, 2025-12: 5.6% of 18Policy criticism, 2026-01: 5.6% of 18Policy criticism, 2026-02: 14.3% of 21Policy criticism, 2026-03: 0.0% of 16Policy criticism, 2026-04: 0.0% of 29Policy criticism, 2026-05: 5.7% of 35Policy criticism, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-07: 0.0% of 10Policy criticism, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-09: 0.0% of 31Policy criticism, 2026-10: 9.1% of 44Policy discussionpeak 76.2% · Feb ’26 · latest 40.9%Policy discussion, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-03: 62.5% of 16Policy discussion, 2025-04: 66.7% of 15Policy discussion, 2025-05: 50.0% of 10Policy discussion, 2025-06: 40.0% of 15Policy discussion, 2025-07: 42.9% of 14Policy discussion, 2025-08: 40.0% of 15Policy discussion, 2025-09: 37.5% of 16Policy discussion, 2025-10: 25.0% of 16Policy discussion, 2025-11: 21.4% of 14Policy discussion, 2025-12: 61.1% of 18Policy discussion, 2026-01: 72.2% of 18Policy discussion, 2026-02: 76.2% of 21Policy discussion, 2026-03: 25.0% of 16Policy discussion, 2026-04: 62.1% of 29Policy discussion, 2026-05: 31.4% of 35Policy discussion, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-07: 10.0% of 10Policy discussion, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-09: 32.3% of 31Policy discussion, 2026-10: 40.9% of 44Bipartisanshippeak 6.7% · Apr ’25 · latest 0.0%Bipartisanship, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-03: 0.0% of 16Bipartisanship, 2025-04: 6.7% of 15Bipartisanship, 2025-05: 0.0% of 10Bipartisanship, 2025-06: 0.0% of 15Bipartisanship, 2025-07: 0.0% of 14Bipartisanship, 2025-08: 0.0% of 15Bipartisanship, 2025-09: 0.0% of 16Bipartisanship, 2025-10: 0.0% of 16Bipartisanship, 2025-11: 0.0% of 14Bipartisanship, 2025-12: 0.0% of 18Bipartisanship, 2026-01: 0.0% of 18Bipartisanship, 2026-02: 4.8% of 21Bipartisanship, 2026-03: 0.0% of 16Bipartisanship, 2026-04: 0.0% of 29Bipartisanship, 2026-05: 2.9% of 35Bipartisanship, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-07: 0.0% of 10Bipartisanship, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-09: 0.0% of 31Bipartisanship, 2026-10: 0.0% of 44Credit claimingpeak 50.0% · Mar ’25 · latest 18.2%Credit claiming, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-03: 50.0% of 16Credit claiming, 2025-04: 40.0% of 15Credit claiming, 2025-05: 20.0% of 10Credit claiming, 2025-06: 40.0% of 15Credit claiming, 2025-07: 7.1% of 14Credit claiming, 2025-08: 33.3% of 15Credit claiming, 2025-09: 37.5% of 16Credit claiming, 2025-10: 18.8% of 16Credit claiming, 2025-11: 21.4% of 14Credit claiming, 2025-12: 33.3% of 18Credit claiming, 2026-01: 50.0% of 18Credit claiming, 2026-02: 38.1% of 21Credit claiming, 2026-03: 31.3% of 16Credit claiming, 2026-04: 27.6% of 29Credit claiming, 2026-05: 25.7% of 35Credit claiming, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-07: 10.0% of 10Credit claiming, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-09: 16.1% of 31Credit claiming, 2026-10: 18.2% of 44Extreme labelspeak 0.0% · Mar ’25 · latest 0.0%Extreme labels, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-03: 0.0% of 16Extreme labels, 2025-04: 0.0% of 15Extreme labels, 2025-05: 0.0% of 10Extreme labels, 2025-06: 0.0% of 15Extreme labels, 2025-07: 0.0% of 14Extreme labels, 2025-08: 0.0% of 15Extreme labels, 2025-09: 0.0% of 16Extreme labels, 2025-10: 0.0% of 16Extreme labels, 2025-11: 0.0% of 14Extreme labels, 2025-12: 0.0% of 18Extreme labels, 2026-01: 0.0% of 18Extreme labels, 2026-02: 0.0% of 21Extreme labels, 2026-03: 0.0% of 16Extreme labels, 2026-04: 0.0% of 29Extreme labels, 2026-05: 0.0% of 35Extreme labels, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-07: 0.0% of 10Extreme labels, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-09: 0.0% of 31Extreme labels, 2026-10: 0.0% of 44Jan ’25Jul ’25Jan ’26Jul ’26Oct ’26
Show the data
Monthly rates for Chapman, each row shaded against its own peak, with statement volume. Months with fewer than 10 statements are left blank.
ColumnStatementsPersonal attacksPolicy criticismPolicy discussionBipartisanshipCredit claimingExtreme labels
Jan ’255— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Feb ’258— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Mar ’25160.0%0.0%62.5%0.0%50.0%0.0%
Apr ’25150.0%13.3%66.7%6.7%40.0%0.0%
May ’25100.0%0.0%50.0%0.0%20.0%0.0%
Jun ’25150.0%0.0%40.0%0.0%40.0%0.0%
Jul ’25140.0%0.0%42.9%0.0%7.1%0.0%
Aug ’25150.0%6.7%40.0%0.0%33.3%0.0%
Sep ’25160.0%0.0%37.5%0.0%37.5%0.0%
Oct ’25160.0%0.0%25.0%0.0%18.8%0.0%
Nov ’25140.0%0.0%21.4%0.0%21.4%0.0%
Dec ’25180.0%5.6%61.1%0.0%33.3%0.0%
Jan ’26180.0%5.6%72.2%0.0%50.0%0.0%
Feb ’26210.0%14.3%76.2%4.8%38.1%0.0%
Mar ’26160.0%0.0%25.0%0.0%31.3%0.0%
Apr ’26290.0%0.0%62.1%0.0%27.6%0.0%
May ’26350.0%5.7%31.4%2.9%25.7%0.0%
Jun ’268— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jul ’26100.0%0.0%10.0%0.0%10.0%0.0%
Aug ’267— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Sep ’26310.0%0.0%32.3%0.0%16.1%0.0%
Oct ’26440.0%9.1%40.9%0.0%18.2%0.0%
How to read the strips

Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the WV 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 4 months are hatched here.

In Chapman’s words

Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned

Credit claiming

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Oct 26, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Economics and Public Finance · Source

Bipartisanship

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

May 14, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · bipartisanship · Source

Policy criticism

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Oct 20, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues; Education · Source

Examples by category

Up to five recent statements in each category

Category

Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.

No statements in this category in this window.

All 381 statements

Newest first, the WV 2025–26 session

The full feed

Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 381 posts on X.

Back to topNext: Policy

Policy

Health is what Chapman talks about most: 21% of policy statements, 2.4 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.58 on a 0–1 scale (State Senate Republicans average 0.52; 74th of 226).

Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Chapman talks about. The bills Chapman sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.

What Chapman talks about

Share of policy statements by area, the WV 2025–26 session

0%35%
Chapman
Peers
Health35 statements
21%
9%
Education30 statements
18%
14%
Families20 statements
12%
4%
Transportation and Public Works20 statements
12%
6%
Energy17 statements
10%
6%
Show the data
Policy areas Chapman talks about, as a share of policy statements, against the State Senate Republicans average.
RowChapmanPeers
Health21%9%
Education18%14%
Families12%4%
Transportation and Public Works12%6%
Energy10%6%
How to read the bars

The thick bar is the share of Chapman’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

Talks about · legislates on

Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Republicans averages.

Talks aboutLegislates onHealthHealth, talks about: 21% (State Senate Republicans 9%)21%Health, legislates on: 29% (State Senate Republicans 11%)29%EducationEducation, talks about: 18% (State Senate Republicans 14%)18%Education, legislates on: 5% (State Senate Republicans 10%)5%FamiliesFamilies, talks about: 12% (State Senate Republicans 4%)12%Families, legislates on: 14% (State Senate Republicans 2%)14%Transportation and PublicWorksTransportation and Public Works, talks about: 12% (State Senate Republicans 6%)12%Transportation and Public Works, legislates on: 1% (State Senate Republicans 6%)1%EnergyEnergy, talks about: 10% (State Senate Republicans 6%)10%Energy, legislates on: 3% (State Senate Republicans 3%)3%
Show the data
Chapman's share of statements against share of bills in each policy area.
AreaTalks aboutState Senate Republicans, talks aboutLegislates onState Senate Republicans, legislates on
Health21%9%29%11%
Education18%14%5%10%
Families12%4%14%2%
Transportation and Public Works12%6%1%6%
Energy10%6%3%3%
0.58

talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1

State Senate Republicans average 0.52. Ranks 74th of 226.

What agreement means, and what it doesn’t

Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Chapman legislates on exactly the areas Chapman talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Chapman sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.

Back to topNext: Ideology

Ideology

Chapman sits at +0.43 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more conservative than 61% of State Senate Republicans. Approximate range +0.38 to +0.48, which understates the uncertainty; from 178 donors and 394 roll calls.

CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.

+0.43

CSIP ideal point

Approximate range +0.38 to +0.48. From 178 donors and 394 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.

← More liberalMore conservative →0Chapman +0.4State Senate Republicans +0.4West Virginia Senate +0.3All State Senate +0.1

The outlined dot is Chapman, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Chapman’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.

What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.

Where Chapman sits

Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale

−2.0−1.00.0+1.0+2.0← More liberalMore conservative →State Senate Republicansmedian +0.4Chapman +0.4West Virginia Senatemedian +0.3All State Senatemedian +0.1
Show the data
Chapman's CSIP score of +0.43 placed against State Senate Republicans, West Virginia Senate, All State Senate.
GroupOfficialsMedianShare left of Chapman
State Senate Republicans1083+0.461%
West Virginia Senate34+0.365%
All State Senate1909+0.178%
How to read the strips

Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Chapman in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Chapman.

Back to topNext: Money

Money

Chapman reported $142.9K in the 2026 cycle, 3.1 times the State Senate Republicans’ median of $46.2K. State filings report no small-donation total. 77% of itemized individual money came from West Virginia.

Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.

Election cycle
$142.9K

itemized in the 2026 cycle

From 119 itemized donors. State Senate Republicans’ median $46.2K.

Where the money came from

Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.

Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)Individuals (itemized): $114.5K (80.2%)PACs and other committees: $27.9K (19.5%)PACs and other committees: $27.9K (19.5%)PACs and other committees: $27.9K (19.5%)PACs and other committees: $27.9K (19.5%)PACs and other committees: $27.9K (19.5%)PACs and other committees: $27.9K (19.5%)PACs and other committees: $27.9K (19.5%)PACs and other committees: $27.9K (19.5%)PACs and other committees: $27.9K (19.5%)PACs and other committees: $27.9K (19.5%)PACs and other committees: $27.9K (19.5%)PACs and other committees: $27.9K (19.5%)PACs and other committees: $27.9K (19.5%)PACs and other committees: $27.9K (19.5%)PACs and other committees: $27.9K (19.5%)PACs and other committees: $27.9K (19.5%)PACs and other committees: $27.9K (19.5%)PACs and other committees: $27.9K (19.5%)PACs and other committees: $27.9K (19.5%)PACs and other committees: $27.9K (19.5%)
  • Individuals (itemized)80 squares$114.5K
  • PACs and other committees20 squares$27.9K
  • Party committees$500
Show the data
Sources of Chapman's money, 2026 cycle, one square per percent
SourceAmountShare
Individuals (itemized)$114.5K80.2%
PACs and other committees$27.9K19.5%
Party committees$5000.3%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.

Receipts by cycle

Itemized contributions, 2022 to 2026. The grey line is the State Senate Republicans’ median for 2026.

2022 cycle: $61.4K$61.4K20222024 cycle: $850$85020242026 cycle: $142.9K$142.9K2026State Senate Republicans median $46.2K
Show the data
Chapman's receipts by cycle against the 2026 State Senate Republicans median.
ItemValue
2022 cycle$61.4K
2024 cycle$850
2026 cycle$142.9K

Top donor states, 2026

Itemized contributions by donor state. 77% came from West Virginia.

  1. West Virginia$88.7K
  2. Ohio$8,400
  3. Texas$2,800
  4. Indiana$2,800
  5. Pennsylvania$2,000

Small donations

State filings report no total for small gifts.

Not reported in state filings.

Where itemized donors live

Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state

Alaska: no dataAKMaine: no dataMEVermont: no dataVTNew Hampshire: no dataNHWashington: no dataWAIdaho: no dataIDMontana: no dataMTNorth Dakota: no dataNDMinnesota: no dataMNIllinois: no dataILWisconsin: no dataWIMichigan: no dataMINew York: no dataNYRhode Island: no dataRIMassachusetts: no dataMAOregon: no dataORNevada: no dataNVWyoming: no dataWYSouth Dakota: no dataSDIowa: no dataIAIndiana: $2,800INOhio: $8,400OHPennsylvania: $2,000PANew Jersey: no dataNJConnecticut: no dataCTCalifornia: no dataCAUtah: no dataUTColorado: no dataCONebraska: no dataNEMissouri: no dataMOKentucky: no dataKYWest Virginia: $88.7KWVVirginia: no dataVAMaryland: no dataMDDelaware: no dataDEArizona: no dataAZNew Mexico: no dataNMKansas: no dataKSArkansas: no dataARTennessee: no dataTNNorth Carolina: no dataNCSouth Carolina: no dataSCDistrict of Columbia: no dataDCOklahoma: no dataOKLouisiana: no dataLAMississippi: $1,000MSAlabama: no dataALGeorgia: no dataGAHawaii: no dataHITexas: $2,800TXFlorida: $1,100FL
Show the data
Chapman's itemized individual contributions by donor state, 2026 cycle
StateValue
West Virginia$88.7K
Ohio$8,400
Indiana$2,800
Texas$2,800
Pennsylvania$2,000
Florida$1,100
Mississippi$1,000
AlaskaNo data
MaineNo data
VermontNo data
New HampshireNo data
WashingtonNo data
IdahoNo data
MontanaNo data
North DakotaNo data
MinnesotaNo data
IllinoisNo data
WisconsinNo data
MichiganNo data
New YorkNo data
Rhode IslandNo data
MassachusettsNo data
OregonNo data
NevadaNo data
WyomingNo data
South DakotaNo data
IowaNo data
New JerseyNo data
ConnecticutNo data
CaliforniaNo data
UtahNo data
ColoradoNo data
NebraskaNo data
MissouriNo data
KentuckyNo data
VirginiaNo data
MarylandNo data
DelawareNo data
ArizonaNo data
New MexicoNo data
KansasNo data
ArkansasNo data
TennesseeNo data
North CarolinaNo data
South CarolinaNo data
District of ColumbiaNo data
OklahomaNo data
LouisianaNo data
AlabamaNo data
GeorgiaNo data
HawaiiNo data
119

itemized donors

People who gave more than $200

77%

from West Virginia

Of itemized individual dollars

How to read the map

Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is West Virginia. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.

Top donor occupations

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

  1. ATTORNEY/LEGAL$48.2K 39 donors
  2. RETIRED$16.3K 7 donors
  3. MINING/ENERGY$12.4K 7 donors
  4. BUSINESS OWNER$11.6K 6 donors
  5. HEALTHCARE/MEDICAL$6,363 8 donors

Top committees

PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.

  1. WEST VIRGINIA TRIAL LAWYERS ASSOCIATION (LAWPAC)$5,600
  2. BLUE AND GOLD PAC$2,800
  3. CARTER, DONALD JR.$2,800
  4. COMCAST CORPORATION AND NBC UNIVERSAL PAC$2,800
  5. GREATER WV CARPENTERS PEC$2,800

Top employers

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

  1. ACNR$8,400 3 donors

Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.

Back to topNext: Votes

Votes

Chapman voted with the majority of West Virginia Senate Republicans on 89% of party-line votes and missed 6.4% of 799 roll calls. West Virginia Senate on average: 88% party unity, 97.9% attendance. Across all roll calls, Chapman voted against the majority of West Virginia Senate Republicans 29 times.

799 roll calls Chapman could vote on in the WV 2025–26 session, compared with West Virginia Senate. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Chapman voted with the majority of West Virginia Senate Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.

29

votes against the majority of West Virginia Senate Republicans

Party unity 89%, West Virginia Senate average 88%, ranks 21st of 34. 799 roll calls in the WV 2025–26 session.

Attendance and party unity

The thick bar is Chapman, the thin grey bar the West Virginia Senate average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.

80%100%
Chapman
Peers
Rank
Attendance
93.6%
97.9%
33rd of 34
Party unity
89%
88%
21st of 34
Show the data
Chapman's attendance and party unity against West Virginia Senate.
RowChapmanPeers
Attendance93.6%97.9%
Party unity89%88%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.

Key votes

25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the WV 2025–26 session

Key votes
Party split (yea–nay)Why it’s key
Mar 14, 2026
HB 4004
Creating the Recharge West Virginia Program
Passage
YeaWith majoritypassD 2–0 · R 31–1Democrats 2 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 31 yea, 1 naybecame law
Mar 14, 2026
HB 5277
Supplemental Appropriation to the Department of Health Facilities-Welch Community Hospital, William R. Sharpe Jr. Hospital, and Mildred Mitchell-Bateman Hospital from the Unappropriated Surplus Balance
Passage
YeaWith majoritypassD 2–0 · R 32–0Democrats 2 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 32 yea, 0 naybecame law
Mar 14, 2026
HB 5694
Supplemental appropriation to Department of Education, fund 0313.
Passage
YeaWith majoritypassD 2–0 · R 32–0Democrats 2 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 32 yea, 0 naybecame law
Mar 14, 2026
HB 4009
Relating to the creation of the Portable Benefit Account Act
Passage
YeaWith majoritypassD 2–0 · R 32–0Democrats 2 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 32 yea, 0 naybecame law
Mar 14, 2026
HB 5288
Supplemental Appropriation to the Department of Agriculture-West Virginia Spay Neuter Assistance Fund from Special Revenue
Passage
YeaWith majoritypassD 2–0 · R 32–0Democrats 2 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 32 yea, 0 naybecame law
How key votes are chosen

Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.

Votes most often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Chapman most often

  1. Patricia RuckerR747 shared votes97%
  2. Jay TaylorR744 shared votes97%
  3. Chris RoseR729 shared votes96%
  4. Jason BarrettR726 shared votes96%
  5. Brian HeltonR721 shared votes96%

Votes least often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Chapman least often

  1. Joey GarciaD748 shared votes87%
  2. Mike WoelfelD709 shared votes89%
  3. Ryan WeldR747 shared votes92%
  4. Eric TarrR734 shared votes92%
  5. Craig HartR680 shared votes93%
How to read the agreement lists

The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.

Full voting record

WV 2025–26 session, loads in batches

Back to topNext: Legislation

Legislation

Chapman sponsored 139 bills in the WV 2025–26 session; 8 became law. Cosponsored 68 others. 11% of sponsored bills got out of committee (West Virginia Senate average 26%; 29th of 34).

The bills Chapman sponsored and cosponsored in the WV 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.

Bills by stage

Counts for the WV 2025–26 session

Sponsored139 billsSponsored, Introduced: 139139Sponsored, In committee: 121121Sponsored, Passed one chamber: 1515Sponsored, Passed both chambers: 99Sponsored, Became law: 88Cosponsored68 billsCosponsored, Introduced: 6868Cosponsored, In committee: 5050Cosponsored, Passed one chamber: 1515Cosponsored, Passed both chambers: 66Cosponsored, Became law: 44IntroducedIncommitteePassed onechamberPassed bothchambersBecamelaw
Show the data
Bills Chapman sponsored and cosponsored, by furthest stage reached
RoleIntroducedIn committeePassed one chamberPassed both chambersBecame law
Sponsored1391211598
Cosponsored68501564
How to read the blocks

Ink blocks are bills Chapman sponsored, ochre blocks bills Chapman cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.

11%

of sponsored bills got out of committee

West Virginia Senate average 26%. Ranks 29th of 34.

Cosponsorship partners

Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Chapman, by number of shared bills in the WV 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.

  1. Chris Rose46
  2. Patricia Rucker35
  3. Vince Deeds22
  4. Darren Thorne21
  5. Tom Willis21
What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Chapman’s bills; the toggle shows more.

Bill list

Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest

Bills sponsored and cosponsored
SR 67Recognizing dedicated public service of Honorable Michael Andrew WoelfelCosponsorMar 14, 2026IntroducedUnassignedCompleted legislative action Mar 14, 2026
SR 68Recognizing dedicated public service of Honorable Charles Houston ClementsCosponsorMar 14, 2026IntroducedUnassignedCompleted legislative action Mar 14, 2026
SR 63Designating March 13, 2026, as Veterans Visibility DayCosponsorMar 12, 2026IntroducedUnassignedCompleted legislative action Mar 13, 2026
SR 58Designating March 6, 2026, as Girl Scouts DaySponsorMar 5, 2026IntroducedUnassignedCompleted legislative action Mar 6, 2026
SR 52Designating February 27, 2026, as West Liberty University DayCosponsorFeb 26, 2026IntroducedUnassignedCompleted legislative action Feb 27, 2026

Back to topNext: Online

Online

A site that has not changed in 90 days. Chapman’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.

The lab crawls Chapman’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Chapman posts with a vision model.

Websites

How to read the counts

“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.

Images Chapman posted

No images from Chapman’s posts have been described.

About the descriptions

Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

State floor speeches

No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.

Floor speeches

Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.

Back to topNext: Methods and sources

Methods and sources

How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.

The headline

The headline is the measure on which Chapman is most unusual among State Senate Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.

The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.

A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).

Identifiers

Profile id
599fd572-0475-4215-8d43-1474237f5a78
Open States
ocd-person/599fd572-0475-4215-8d43-1474237f5a78

Bulk files with the same data for every official:

Freshness of this profile’s data

  • What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
  • Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
  • Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
  • Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
  • Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
  • WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
  • State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.

How the measures work

What politicians say
Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
Extreme labels
A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
Policy areas and agreement
Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology (CSIP)
Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
Campaign money
Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
Votes and key votes
Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
Peers and ranks
Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.

America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab

Back to top