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Democrat · Nevada House, district 3

Serving since Nov 7, 2018NV 2025–26 session

Portrait of Selena Torres-Fossett, rendered as a two-tone print
Official portrait
4.7%
of roll calls missed, attendance in the bottom 5% of the Nevada House

Attendance 95.2%; the average within the Nevada House is 99.0%. Ranks 39th of 40, where 1st has the highest attendance. 679 roll calls in the NV 2025–26 session.

Attendance is the share of the roll calls Torres-Fossett could vote on where a yea, nay or present was recorded, ranked within the Nevada House. A missed vote has many causes, from illness to campaigning; the number says how often, not why.

At a glance

6 measures against State House Democrats. The policy areas Torres-Fossett talks about and legislates on agree at 0.29 on a 0–1 scale, in the bottom 5% of State House Democrats. 100% of Torres-Fossett’s itemized money in the 2026 cycle came from Nevada, in the top tenth of State House Democrats.

The measures on which Torres-Fossett sits furthest from the middle of State House Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.

Attendance

95.2%

Nevada House average 99.0% · ranks 39th of 40 · 679 roll calls

Talk-to-bills agreement

0.29

State House Democrats average 0.54 · ranks 485th of 503

From Nevada, 2026

100%

Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 195th of 1,983 State House Democrats

Itemized, 2026

$76.1K

State House Democrats’ median $40.4K · ranks 677th of 2,082

Out of committee

74%

Nevada House average 62% · ranks 16th of 40

CSIP ideology

−0.58

More conservative than 56% of State House Democrats · ± 0.11

Peer group: State House Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Torres-Fossett, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Torres-Fossett is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).

Back to topNext: What politicians say

What Torres-Fossett says

Torres-Fossett stresses bipartisanship less than 88% of State House Democrats. Bipartisanship in 0% of 82 statements, against 2.9% for the average State House Democrat; 676th of 764.

An AI model reads each of Torres-Fossett’s 82 statements in the NV 2025–26 session (82 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Democrats and ranked among them.

Kinds of statement

Share of statements carrying each label, the NV 2025–26 session

0%80%
Torres-Fossett
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion27 statements
33%
39%
487th of 764
Credit claiming7 statements
9%
14%
476th of 764
Policy criticism5 statements
6%
10%
441st of 764
Personal attacks3 statements
4%
3%
180th of 764
Bipartisanship0 statements
0%
3%
676th of 764
Show the data
Torres-Fossett's share of statements in each category against the State House Democrats average.
RowTorres-FossettPeers
Policy discussion33%39%
Credit claiming9%14%
Policy criticism6%10%
Personal attacks4%3%
Bipartisanship0%3%
82

statements classified

82 posts on X.

posts on X: 82 (100.0%)posts on X 82
Show the data
Torres-Fossett's statements by source
PartValue
posts on X82
How to read the bars

The thick bar is Torres-Fossett; the thin grey bar is the average State House Democrats. A longer thick bar means Torres-Fossett does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.

Extreme labels

Torres-Fossett used extreme labels in 1.2% of statements, above the peer average. 1 statement, most often aimed at extremists; peers 1.0%.

  1. “extreme”1

Who gets the labels

Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements

  1. extremists1
What an extreme label is

Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.

Month by month

Share of statements per month, the NV 2025–26 session

Statements2025-01: 32025-02: 12025-03: 42025-04: 02025-05: 02025-06: 142025-07: 232025-08: 42025-09: 32025-10: 32025-11: 12025-12: 22026-01: 32026-02: 42026-03: 42026-04: 42026-05: 12026-06: 22026-07: 42026-08: 12026-09: 12026-10: 0peak 23 · Jul ’25Personal attackspeak 8.7% · Jul ’25 · latest 8.7%Personal attacks, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-06: 7.1% of 14Personal attacks, 2025-07: 8.7% of 23Personal attacks, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticismpeak 14.3% · Jun ’25 · latest 0.0%Policy criticism, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-06: 14.3% of 14Policy criticism, 2025-07: 0.0% of 23Policy criticism, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussionpeak 50.0% · Jun ’25 · latest 39.1%Policy discussion, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-06: 50.0% of 14Policy discussion, 2025-07: 39.1% of 23Policy discussion, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanshippeak 0.0% · Jun ’25 · latest 0.0%Bipartisanship, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-06: 0.0% of 14Bipartisanship, 2025-07: 0.0% of 23Bipartisanship, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claimingpeak 8.7% · Jul ’25 · latest 8.7%Credit claiming, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-06: 7.1% of 14Credit claiming, 2025-07: 8.7% of 23Credit claiming, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labelspeak 0.0% · Jun ’25 · latest 0.0%Extreme labels, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-06: 0.0% of 14Extreme labels, 2025-07: 0.0% of 23Extreme labels, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Jan ’25Jul ’25Jan ’26Jul ’26Oct ’26
Show the data
Monthly rates for Torres-Fossett, each row shaded against its own peak, with statement volume. Months with fewer than 10 statements are left blank.
ColumnStatementsPersonal attacksPolicy criticismPolicy discussionBipartisanshipCredit claimingExtreme labels
Jan ’253— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Feb ’251— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Mar ’254— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Apr ’250— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
May ’250— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jun ’25147.1%14.3%50.0%0.0%7.1%0.0%
Jul ’25238.7%0.0%39.1%0.0%8.7%0.0%
Aug ’254— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Sep ’253— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Oct ’253— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Nov ’251— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Dec ’252— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jan ’263— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Feb ’264— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Mar ’264— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Apr ’264— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
May ’261— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jun ’262— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jul ’264— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Aug ’261— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Sep ’261— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Oct ’260— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
How to read the strips

Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the NV 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 20 months are hatched here; 3 of them have no statements.

In Torres-Fossett’s words

Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned

Credit claiming

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Jul 28, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · credit claiming · Source

Policy criticism

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Apr 7, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Crime and Law Enforcement · Source

Extreme label

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Aug 16, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · extreme label “extreme” aimed at extremists · Source

Examples by category

Up to five recent statements in each category

Category

Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.

  1. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · target: Chuck MuthSource

  2. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · target: Chuck MuthSource

  3. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · policy discussion · Immigration · target: youSource

All 82 statements

Newest first, the NV 2025–26 session

The full feed

Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 82 posts on X.

Back to topNext: Policy

Policy

Education is what Torres-Fossett talks about most: 30% of policy statements, 1.9 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.29 on a 0–1 scale (State House Democrats average 0.54; 485th of 503).

Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Torres-Fossett talks about. The bills Torres-Fossett sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.

What Torres-Fossett talks about

Share of policy statements by area, the NV 2025–26 session

0%35%
Torres-Fossett
Peers
Education8 statements
30%
15%
Immigration8 statements
30%
4%
Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues6 statements
22%
10%
Crime and Law Enforcement5 statements
19%
8%
Families3 statements
11%
5%
Show the data
Policy areas Torres-Fossett talks about, as a share of policy statements, against the State House Democrats average.
RowTorres-FossettPeers
Education30%15%
Immigration30%4%
Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues22%10%
Crime and Law Enforcement19%8%
Families11%5%
How to read the bars

The thick bar is the share of Torres-Fossett’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

Talks about · legislates on

Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State House Democrats averages.

Talks aboutLegislates onEducationEducation, talks about: 30% (State House Democrats 15%)30%Education, legislates on: 30% (State House Democrats 10%)30%ImmigrationImmigration, talks about: 30% (State House Democrats 4%)30%Immigration, legislates on: 0% (State House Democrats 1%)0%Civil Rights and Liberties,Minority IssuesCivil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues, talks about: 22% (State House Democrats 10%)22%Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues, legislates on: 0% (State House Democrats 4%)0%Crime and Law EnforcementCrime and Law Enforcement, talks about: 19% (State House Democrats 8%)19%Crime and Law Enforcement, legislates on: 0% (State House Democrats 9%)0%FamiliesFamilies, talks about: 11% (State House Democrats 5%)11%Families, legislates on: 1% (State House Democrats 3%)1%
Show the data
Torres-Fossett's share of statements against share of bills in each policy area.
AreaTalks aboutState House Democrats, talks aboutLegislates onState House Democrats, legislates on
Education30%15%30%10%
Immigration30%4%0%1%
Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues22%10%0%4%
Crime and Law Enforcement19%8%0%9%
Families11%5%1%3%
0.29

talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1

State House Democrats average 0.54. Ranks 485th of 503.

What agreement means, and what it doesn’t

Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Torres-Fossett legislates on exactly the areas Torres-Fossett talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Torres-Fossett sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.

Back to topNext: Ideology

Ideology

Torres-Fossett sits at −0.58 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more conservative than 56% of State House Democrats. Approximate range −0.69 to −0.48, which understates the uncertainty; from 26 donors and 420 roll calls.

CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.

−0.58

CSIP ideal point

Approximate range −0.69 to −0.48. From 26 donors and 420 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.

← More liberalMore conservative →0Torres-Fossett −0.6State House Democrats −0.6Nevada House −0.5All State House +0.1

The outlined dot is Torres-Fossett, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Torres-Fossett’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.

What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.

Where Torres-Fossett sits

Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale

−2.0−1.00.0+1.0+2.0← More liberalMore conservative →State House Democratsmedian −0.6Torres-Fossett −0.6Nevada Housemedian −0.5All State Housemedian +0.1
Show the data
Torres-Fossett's CSIP score of −0.58 placed against State House Democrats, Nevada House, All State House.
GroupOfficialsMedianShare left of Torres-Fossett
State House Democrats2392−0.656%
Nevada House42−0.538%
All State House5324+0.125%
How to read the strips

Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Torres-Fossett in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Torres-Fossett.

Back to topNext: Money

Money

Torres-Fossett reported $76.1K in the 2026 cycle, 1.9 times the State House Democrats’ median of $40.4K. State filings report no small-donation total. 100% of itemized individual money came from Nevada.

Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.

Election cycle
$76.1K

itemized in the 2026 cycle

From 6 itemized donors. State House Democrats’ median $40.4K.

Where the money came from

Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.

Individuals (itemized): $3,595 (4.7%)Individuals (itemized): $3,595 (4.7%)Individuals (itemized): $3,595 (4.7%)Individuals (itemized): $3,595 (4.7%)Individuals (itemized): $3,595 (4.7%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)PACs and other committees: $72.5K (95.3%)
  • Individuals (itemized)5 squares$3,595
  • PACs and other committees95 squares$72.5K
Show the data
Sources of Torres-Fossett's money, 2026 cycle, one square per percent
SourceAmountShare
Individuals (itemized)$3,5954.7%
PACs and other committees$72.5K95.3%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.

Receipts by cycle

Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Democrats’ median for 2026.

2020 cycle: $25.4K$25.4K20202022 cycle: $85.2K$85.2K20222024 cycle: $111.8K$111.8K20242026 cycle: $76.1K$76.1K2026State House Democrats median $40.4K
Show the data
Torres-Fossett's receipts by cycle against the 2026 State House Democrats median.
ItemValue
2020 cycle$25.4K
2022 cycle$85.2K
2024 cycle$111.8K
2026 cycle$76.1K

Top donor states, 2026

Itemized contributions by donor state. 100% came from Nevada.

  1. Nevada$3,595

Small donations

State filings report no total for small gifts.

Not reported in state filings.

Where itemized donors live

Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state

Alaska: no dataAKMaine: no dataMEVermont: no dataVTNew Hampshire: no dataNHWashington: no dataWAIdaho: no dataIDMontana: no dataMTNorth Dakota: no dataNDMinnesota: no dataMNIllinois: no dataILWisconsin: no dataWIMichigan: no dataMINew York: no dataNYRhode Island: no dataRIMassachusetts: no dataMAOregon: no dataORNevada: $3,595NVWyoming: no dataWYSouth Dakota: no dataSDIowa: no dataIAIndiana: no dataINOhio: no dataOHPennsylvania: no dataPANew Jersey: no dataNJConnecticut: no dataCTCalifornia: no dataCAUtah: no dataUTColorado: no dataCONebraska: no dataNEMissouri: no dataMOKentucky: no dataKYWest Virginia: no dataWVVirginia: no dataVAMaryland: no dataMDDelaware: no dataDEArizona: no dataAZNew Mexico: no dataNMKansas: no dataKSArkansas: no dataARTennessee: no dataTNNorth Carolina: no dataNCSouth Carolina: no dataSCDistrict of Columbia: no dataDCOklahoma: no dataOKLouisiana: no dataLAMississippi: no dataMSAlabama: no dataALGeorgia: no dataGAHawaii: no dataHITexas: no dataTXFlorida: no dataFL
Show the data
Torres-Fossett's itemized individual contributions by donor state, 2026 cycle
StateValue
Nevada$3,595
AlaskaNo data
MaineNo data
VermontNo data
New HampshireNo data
WashingtonNo data
IdahoNo data
MontanaNo data
North DakotaNo data
MinnesotaNo data
IllinoisNo data
WisconsinNo data
MichiganNo data
New YorkNo data
Rhode IslandNo data
MassachusettsNo data
OregonNo data
WyomingNo data
South DakotaNo data
IowaNo data
IndianaNo data
OhioNo data
PennsylvaniaNo data
New JerseyNo data
ConnecticutNo data
CaliforniaNo data
UtahNo data
ColoradoNo data
NebraskaNo data
MissouriNo data
KentuckyNo data
West VirginiaNo data
VirginiaNo data
MarylandNo data
DelawareNo data
ArizonaNo data
New MexicoNo data
KansasNo data
ArkansasNo data
TennesseeNo data
North CarolinaNo data
South CarolinaNo data
District of ColumbiaNo data
OklahomaNo data
LouisianaNo data
MississippiNo data
AlabamaNo data
GeorgiaNo data
HawaiiNo data
TexasNo data
FloridaNo data
6

itemized donors

People who gave more than $200

100%

from Nevada

Of itemized individual dollars

How to read the map

Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Nevada. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.

Top donor occupations

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

No occupations reported.

Top committees

PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.

  1. CITIZENS FOR JUSTICE TRUST$10.0K
  2. FORWARD NEVADA PAC$10.0K
  3. NGUYENING PAC$10.0K
  4. AFSCME$7,500
  5. HCA NEVADA GOOD GOVERNMENT FUND$5,000

Top employers

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

No employers reported.

Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.

Back to topNext: Votes

Votes

Torres-Fossett voted with the majority of Nevada House Democrats on 97.6% of party-line votes and missed 4.7% of 679 roll calls. Nevada House on average: 95.9% party unity, 99.0% attendance. Across all roll calls, Torres-Fossett voted against the majority of Nevada House Democrats 3 times.

679 roll calls Torres-Fossett could vote on in the NV 2025–26 session, compared with Nevada House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Torres-Fossett voted with the majority of Nevada House Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.

3

votes against the majority of Nevada House Democrats

Party unity 97.6%, Nevada House average 95.9%, ranks 20th of 40. 679 roll calls in the NV 2025–26 session.

Attendance and party unity

The thick bar is Torres-Fossett, the thin grey bar the Nevada House average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.

80%100%
Torres-Fossett
Peers
Rank
Attendance
95.2%
99.0%
39th of 40
Party unity
97.6%
95.9%
20th of 40
Show the data
Torres-Fossett's attendance and party unity against Nevada House.
RowTorres-FossettPeers
Attendance95.2%99.0%
Party unity97.6%95.9%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.

Key votes

25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the NV 2025–26 session

Key votes
Party split (yea–nay)Why it’s key
Nov 19, 2025
SB 5
Makes revisions relating to health care. (BDR 40-32)
Assembly (2nd Reprint)
YeaWith majoritypassD 27–0 · R 10–0Democrats 27 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 10 yea, 0 naybecame law
Nov 19, 2025
SB 10
Revises provisions relating to real property. (BDR 10-38)
Assembly (1st Reprint)
YeaWith majoritypassD 27–0 · R 0–10Democrats 27 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 0 yea, 10 naymuch discussed
Nov 19, 2025
SB 4
Revises provisions relating to state financial and governmental administration. (BDR S-11)
Assembly (2nd Reprint)
YeaWith majoritypassD 27–0 · R 3–7Democrats 27 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 3 yea, 7 naybecame law · party crossover
Nov 18, 2025
SB 8
Revises provisions relating to employment. (BDR 53-35)
Assembly (1st Reprint)
YeaWith majoritypassD 22–4 · R 11–0Democrats 22 yea, 4 nay; Republicans 11 yea, 0 naybecame law · party crossover
Nov 17, 2025
SB 6
Revises the Windsor Park Environmental Justice Act. (BDR S-12)
Assembly (1st Reprint)
YeaWith majoritypassD 25–0 · R 13–0Democrats 25 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 13 yea, 0 naybecame law
How key votes are chosen

Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.

Votes most often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Torres-Fossett most often

  1. Steve YeagerD645 shared votes100%
  2. Sandra JaureguiD647 shared votes99%
  3. Howard WattsD647 shared votes99%
  4. Max CarterD647 shared votes99%
  5. Venise KarrisD647 shared votes99%

Votes least often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Torres-Fossett least often

  1. Jill DickmanR647 shared votes73%
  2. Ken GrayR632 shared votes75%
  3. Greg HafenR644 shared votes76%
  4. Rich DeLongR647 shared votes77%
  5. Bert GurrR643 shared votes78%
How to read the agreement lists

The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.

Full voting record

NV 2025–26 session, loads in batches

Back to topNext: Legislation

Legislation

Torres-Fossett sponsored 19 bills in the NV 2025–26 session; 11 became law. Cosponsored 15 others. 74% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Nevada House average 62%; 16th of 40).

The bills Torres-Fossett sponsored and cosponsored in the NV 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.

Bills by stage

Counts for the NV 2025–26 session

Sponsored19 billsSponsored, Introduced: 1919Sponsored, In committee: 1919Sponsored, Passed one chamber: 1414Sponsored, Passed both chambers: 1313Sponsored, Became law: 1111Cosponsored15 billsCosponsored, Introduced: 1515Cosponsored, In committee: 1515Cosponsored, Passed one chamber: 1414Cosponsored, Passed both chambers: 99Cosponsored, Became law: 99IntroducedIncommitteePassed onechamberPassed bothchambersBecamelaw
Show the data
Bills Torres-Fossett sponsored and cosponsored, by furthest stage reached
RoleIntroducedIn committeePassed one chamberPassed both chambersBecame law
Sponsored1919141311
Cosponsored15151499
How to read the blocks

Ink blocks are bills Torres-Fossett sponsored, ochre blocks bills Torres-Fossett cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.

74%

of sponsored bills got out of committee

Nevada House average 62%. Ranks 16th of 40.

Cosponsorship partners

Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Torres-Fossett, by number of shared bills in the NV 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.

  1. Reuben D'Silva10
  2. Cecelia González7
  3. Fabian Doñate7
  4. Rochelle Nguyen7
  5. Edgar Flores7
What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Torres-Fossett’s bills; the toggle shows more.

Bill list

Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest

Bills sponsored and cosponsored
SCR 4Declares April 2025 as Financial Literacy Month. (BDR R-1163)CosponsorApr 14, 2025Passed one chamberUnassignedEnrolled and delivered to Secretary of State. File No. 13. Apr 17, 2025
ACR 3Expresses gratitude to the National Conference of State Legislatures for 50 years of service. (BDR R-986)CosponsorMar 25, 2025Passed one chamberUnassignedEnrolled and delivered to Secretary of State. File No. 11. Apr 1, 2025
AJR 14Condemns the January 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol and denounces the use of presidential pardons and commutations to absolve the rioters. (BDR R-991)CosponsorMar 24, 2025Passed one chamberGovernment Operations and Politics(model)Enrolled and delivered to Secretary of State. File No. 22. May 27, 2025
AB 428Requires certain health plans to include coverage for fertility preservation services. (BDR 57-915)CosponsorMar 13, 2025Became lawHealth(model)Chapter 473. Jun 11, 2025
AB 409Revises provisions relating to special license plates. (BDR 43-1058)CosponsorMar 12, 2025Became lawTransportation and Public Works(model)Chapter 472. Jun 11, 2025

Back to topNext: Online

Online

A site that has not changed in 90 days. Torres-Fossett’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.

The lab crawls Torres-Fossett’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Torres-Fossett posts with a vision model.

Websites

How to read the counts

“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.

Images Torres-Fossett posted

No images from Torres-Fossett’s posts have been described.

About the descriptions

Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

State floor speeches

31 turns, Mar 23, 2021 to Apr 22, 2025

Floor speeches

Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.

Back to topNext: Methods and sources

Methods and sources

How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.

The headline

The headline is the measure on which Torres-Fossett is most unusual among State House Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.

The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.

A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).

Identifiers

Profile id
59a3b5f2-a135-48e5-9baa-98585f8ff35e
Open States
ocd-person/59a3b5f2-a135-48e5-9baa-98585f8ff35e

Bulk files with the same data for every official:

Freshness of this profile’s data

  • What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
  • Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
  • Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
  • Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
  • Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
  • WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
  • State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.

How the measures work

What politicians say
Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
Extreme labels
A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
Policy areas and agreement
Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology (CSIP)
Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
Campaign money
Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
Votes and key votes
Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
Peers and ranks
Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.

America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab

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