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Republican · Alabama House, district 30

Serving since Nov 7, 2018AL 2025–26 session

Portrait of Craig Lipscomb, rendered as a two-tone print
Official portrait
$95.8K
in itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle, in the top quarter of State House Republicans

The median for State House Republicans is $33.7K. Ranks 549th of 2,521, where 1st raised the most. 0 itemized donors.

Itemized contributions reported to the state in the 2026 cycle, ranked among State House Republicans. State filings leave small gifts out, and totals depend on whether the seat is up this cycle.

At a glance

3 measures against State House Republicans. 63% of the 8 bills Lipscomb sponsored got out of committee, in the bottom half of the Alabama House. Lipscomb sits at +0.31 on the CSIP scale, more liberal than 58% of State House Republicans.

The measures on which Lipscomb sits furthest from the middle of State House Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.

Itemized, 2026

$95.8K

State House Republicans’ median $33.7K · ranks 549th of 2,521

Out of committee

63%

Alabama House average 67% · ranks 60th of 99

CSIP ideology

+0.31

More liberal than 58% of State House Republicans · ± 0.04

Statements

1

1 posts on X

Bills sponsored

8

and 0 cosponsored

In office since

2018

Peer group: State House Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Lipscomb, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Lipscomb is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).

Back to topNext: What politicians say

What Lipscomb says

Lipscomb talks about policy less than 98% of State House Republicans. Policy discussion in 0% of 1 statements, against 32% for the average State House Republican; 780th of 792.

An AI model reads each of Lipscomb’s 1 statements in the AL 2025–26 session (1 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Republicans and ranked among them.

Kinds of statement

Share of statements carrying each label, the AL 2025–26 session

0%80%
Lipscomb
Peers
Rank
Personal attacks0 statements
0%
3%
643rd of 792
Policy criticism0 statements
0%
9%
736th of 792
Policy discussion0 statements
0%
32%
780th of 792
Bipartisanship0 statements
0%
2%
678th of 792
Credit claiming0 statements
0%
13%
764th of 792
Show the data
Lipscomb's share of statements in each category against the State House Republicans average.
RowLipscombPeers
Personal attacks0%3%
Policy criticism0%9%
Policy discussion0%32%
Bipartisanship0%2%
Credit claiming0%13%
1

statements classified

1 posts on X.

posts on X: 1 (100.0%)posts on X 1
Show the data
Lipscomb's statements by source
PartValue
posts on X1
How to read the bars

The thick bar is Lipscomb; the thin grey bar is the average State House Republicans. A longer thick bar means Lipscomb does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.

Extreme labels

Lipscomb used no extreme labels in 1 statements. The peer average is 1.4%.

No extreme labels in this window.

Who gets the labels

Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements

No targets recorded.

What an extreme label is

Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.

Month by month

Share of statements per month, the AL 2025–26 session

No month in this window has 10 or more statements, too few to chart month by month.

How to read the strips

Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the AL 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 22 months are hatched here; 21 of them have no statements.

Examples by category

Up to five recent statements in each category

Category

Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.

No statements in this category in this window.

All 1 statements

Newest first, the AL 2025–26 session

The full feed

Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 1 posts on X.

Back to topNext: Policy

Policy

No policy statements for the AL 2025–26 session.No classified statements (posts, press releases, newsletters, floor speeches) in this time window.

Back to topNext: Ideology

Ideology

Lipscomb sits at +0.31 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more liberal than 58% of State House Republicans. Approximate range +0.27 to +0.35, which understates the uncertainty; from 6 donors and 657 roll calls.

CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.

+0.31

CSIP ideal point

Approximate range +0.27 to +0.35. From 6 donors and 657 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.

← More liberalMore conservative →0Lipscomb +0.3State House Republicans +0.4Alabama House +0.2All State House +0.1

The outlined dot is Lipscomb, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Lipscomb’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.

What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.

Where Lipscomb sits

Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale

−2.0−1.00.0+1.0+2.0← More liberalMore conservative →State House Republicansmedian +0.4Lipscomb +0.3Alabama Housemedian +0.2All State Housemedian +0.1
Show the data
Lipscomb's CSIP score of +0.31 placed against State House Republicans, Alabama House, All State House.
GroupOfficialsMedianShare left of Lipscomb
State House Republicans2917+0.442%
Alabama House104+0.263%
All State House5324+0.168%
How to read the strips

Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Lipscomb in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Lipscomb.

Back to topNext: Money

Money

Lipscomb reported $95.8K in the 2026 cycle, 2.8 times the State House Republicans’ median of $33.7K. State filings report no small-donation total.

Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.

Election cycle
$95.8K

itemized in the 2026 cycle

From 0 itemized donors. State House Republicans’ median $33.7K.

Where the money came from

Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.

PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)PACs and other committees: $95.8K (100.0%)
  • PACs and other committees100 squares$95.8K
Show the data
Sources of Lipscomb's money, 2026 cycle, one square per percent
SourceAmountShare
PACs and other committees$95.8K100.0%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.

Receipts by cycle

Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Republicans’ median for 2026.

2020 cycle: $33.3K$33.3K20202022 cycle: $68.1K$68.1K20222024 cycle: $25.3K$25.3K20242026 cycle: $95.8K$95.8K2026State House Republicans median $33.7K
Show the data
Lipscomb's receipts by cycle against the 2026 State House Republicans median.
ItemValue
2020 cycle$33.3K
2022 cycle$68.1K
2024 cycle$25.3K
2026 cycle$95.8K

Top donor states, 2026

Itemized contributions by donor state.

No itemized donors with an address.

Small donations

State filings report no total for small gifts.

Not reported in state filings.

Where itemized donors live

Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state

Alaska: no dataAKMaine: no dataMEVermont: no dataVTNew Hampshire: no dataNHWashington: no dataWAIdaho: no dataIDMontana: no dataMTNorth Dakota: no dataNDMinnesota: no dataMNIllinois: no dataILWisconsin: no dataWIMichigan: no dataMINew York: no dataNYRhode Island: no dataRIMassachusetts: no dataMAOregon: no dataORNevada: no dataNVWyoming: no dataWYSouth Dakota: no dataSDIowa: no dataIAIndiana: no dataINOhio: no dataOHPennsylvania: no dataPANew Jersey: no dataNJConnecticut: no dataCTCalifornia: no dataCAUtah: no dataUTColorado: no dataCONebraska: no dataNEMissouri: no dataMOKentucky: no dataKYWest Virginia: no dataWVVirginia: no dataVAMaryland: no dataMDDelaware: no dataDEArizona: no dataAZNew Mexico: no dataNMKansas: no dataKSArkansas: no dataARTennessee: no dataTNNorth Carolina: no dataNCSouth Carolina: no dataSCDistrict of Columbia: no dataDCOklahoma: no dataOKLouisiana: no dataLAMississippi: no dataMSAlabama: no dataALGeorgia: no dataGAHawaii: no dataHITexas: no dataTXFlorida: no dataFL
Show the data
Lipscomb's itemized individual contributions by donor state, 2026 cycle
StateValue
AlaskaNo data
MaineNo data
VermontNo data
New HampshireNo data
WashingtonNo data
IdahoNo data
MontanaNo data
North DakotaNo data
MinnesotaNo data
IllinoisNo data
WisconsinNo data
MichiganNo data
New YorkNo data
Rhode IslandNo data
MassachusettsNo data
OregonNo data
NevadaNo data
WyomingNo data
South DakotaNo data
IowaNo data
IndianaNo data
OhioNo data
PennsylvaniaNo data
New JerseyNo data
ConnecticutNo data
CaliforniaNo data
UtahNo data
ColoradoNo data
NebraskaNo data
MissouriNo data
KentuckyNo data
West VirginiaNo data
VirginiaNo data
MarylandNo data
DelawareNo data
ArizonaNo data
New MexicoNo data
KansasNo data
ArkansasNo data
TennesseeNo data
North CarolinaNo data
South CarolinaNo data
District of ColumbiaNo data
OklahomaNo data
LouisianaNo data
MississippiNo data
AlabamaNo data
GeorgiaNo data
HawaiiNo data
TexasNo data
FloridaNo data
0

itemized donors

People who gave more than $200

No itemized individual money.

How to read the map

Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Alabama. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.

Top donor occupations

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

No occupations reported.

Top committees

PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.

  1. A-VOTE$10.0K
  2. ALAPAC ALABAMA MEDICAL PAC$10.0K
  3. ALABAMA HOSPITAL ASSO PAC$7,000
  4. CAREPAC$6,000
  5. ALABAMA HOUSE MAJORITY PAC$5,000

Top employers

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

No employers reported.

Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.

Back to topNext: Votes

Votes

No roll-call votes for the AL 2025–26 session.No roll-call votes are recorded for this official in this time window.

Back to topNext: Legislation

Legislation

Lipscomb sponsored 8 bills in the AL 2025–26 session; none became law. Cosponsored 0 others. 63% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Alabama House average 67%; 60th of 99).

The bills Lipscomb sponsored and cosponsored in the AL 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.

Bills by stage

Counts for the AL 2025–26 session

Sponsored8 billsSponsored, Introduced: 88Sponsored, In committee: 88Sponsored, Passed one chamber: 55Sponsored, Passed both chambers: 00Sponsored, Became law: 00Cosponsored0 billsCosponsored, Introduced: 00Cosponsored, In committee: 00Cosponsored, Passed one chamber: 00Cosponsored, Passed both chambers: 00Cosponsored, Became law: 00IntroducedIncommitteePassed onechamberPassed bothchambersBecamelaw
Show the data
Bills Lipscomb sponsored and cosponsored, by furthest stage reached
RoleIntroducedIn committeePassed one chamberPassed both chambersBecame law
Sponsored88500
Cosponsored00000
How to read the blocks

Ink blocks are bills Lipscomb sponsored, ochre blocks bills Lipscomb cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.

63%

of sponsored bills got out of committee

Alabama House average 67%. Ranks 60th of 99.

Cosponsorship partners

Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Lipscomb, by number of shared bills in the AL 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.

No cosponsorship ties in this window.

What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Lipscomb’s bills; the toggle shows more.

Bill list

Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest

Bills sponsored and cosponsored
HB 411Taxation; Auxiliary of Big Oak Ranch, Inc., exempt from payment or collection of sales and use taxesSponsorFeb 10, 2026Passed one chamberTaxation(model)Third Reading in House of Origin Mar 3, 2026
HB 344Volunteer fire departments; authorized to deposit funds with financial institutionsSponsorJan 29, 2026In committeeEconomics and Public Finance(model)Read for the first time and referred to the House Committee on County and Municipal Government Jan 29, 2026
HB 349Etowah County local constitutional amendment; Whorton Bend Agricultural Protection Act created; boundaries defined; certain activities permitted or prohibited within protected area; exemptionsSponsorJan 29, 2026In committeeAgriculture and Food(model)Read for the first time and referred to the House Committee on Local Legislation Jan 29, 2026
HR 365Southside Boys Soccer, celebratedSponsorMay 14, 2025Passed one chamberUnassignedJoint Rule 11 May 14, 2025
HB 521Mixed spirit beverages, providing for distribution, retail sale, and taxSponsorApr 3, 2025Passed one chamberCommerce(model)Read for the first time and referred to the Senate Committee on Tourism Apr 29, 2025

Back to topNext: Online

Online

A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Lipscomb’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.

The lab crawls Lipscomb’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Lipscomb posts with a vision model.

Websites

How to read the counts

“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.

Images Lipscomb posted

No images from Lipscomb’s posts have been described.

About the descriptions

Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

State floor speeches

No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.

Floor speeches

Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.

Back to topNext: Methods and sources

Methods and sources

How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.

The headline

The headline is the measure on which Lipscomb is most unusual among State House Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.

The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.

A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).

Identifiers

Profile id
63e7d9b8-136c-4ebc-bb87-19660eb7b624
Open States
ocd-person/63e7d9b8-136c-4ebc-bb87-19660eb7b624

Bulk files with the same data for every official:

Freshness of this profile’s data

  • What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
  • Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
  • Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
  • Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
  • Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
  • WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
  • State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.

How the measures work

What politicians say
Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
Extreme labels
A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
Policy areas and agreement
Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology (CSIP)
Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
Campaign money
Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
Votes and key votes
Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
Peers and ranks
Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.

America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab

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