Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Apr 9, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Housing and Community Development · Source
88
votes against the majority of New Hampshire House Democrats
Party unity 76%, in the bottom 5% of the New Hampshire House (average 95.3%). 557 roll calls in the NH 2025–26 session.
Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Mandelbaum voted with the majority of New Hampshire House Democrats; it is ranked within the New Hampshire House. The count covers every roll call where Mandelbaum voted opposite that majority.
At a glance
6 measures against State House Democrats. Mandelbaum sits at −0.18 on the CSIP scale, more conservative than 97% of State House Democrats. Mandelbaum missed 35% of 557 roll calls, attendance in the bottom tenth of the New Hampshire House (average 89%).
The measures on which Mandelbaum sits furthest from the middle of State House Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Party unity
76%
New Hampshire House average 95.3% · ranks 372nd of 381 · 88 votes against the majority of New Hampshire House Democrats
CSIP ideology
−0.18
More conservative than 97% of State House Democrats · ± 0.02
Attendance
65%
New Hampshire House average 89% · ranks 354th of 382 · 557 roll calls
Policy discussion
17%
State House Democrats average 39% · ranks 656th of 764
Credit claiming
3.0%
State House Democrats average 14% · ranks 620th of 764
Talk-to-bills agreement
0.46
State House Democrats average 0.54 · ranks 393rd of 503
Peer group: State House Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Mandelbaum, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Mandelbaum is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Mandelbaum says
Mandelbaum attacks opponents personally less than 76% of State House Democrats. Personal attacks in 0% of 529 statements, against 2.5% for the average State House Democrat; 584th of 764.
An AI model reads each of Mandelbaum’s 529 statements in the NH 2025–26 session (529 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Democrats and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the NH 2025–26 session
0%80%
Mandelbaum
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion92 statements
17%
39%
656th of 764
Policy criticism22 statements
4%
10%
518th of 764
Bipartisanship22 statements
4%
3%
185th of 764
Credit claiming16 statements
3%
14%
620th of 764
Personal attacks0 statements
0%
3%
584th of 764
Show the data
| Row | Mandelbaum | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 17% | 39% |
| Policy criticism | 4% | 10% |
| Bipartisanship | 4% | 3% |
| Credit claiming | 3% | 14% |
| Personal attacks | 0% | 3% |
529
statements classified
529 posts on X.
Show the data
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 529 |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is Mandelbaum; the thin grey bar is the average State House Democrats. A longer thick bar means Mandelbaum does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Mandelbaum used extreme labels in 0.2% of statements, 20% of the peer average. 1 statement, most often aimed at elected officials; peers 1.0%.
- “extreme”1
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
- elected officials1
What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the NH 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 6 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Feb ’25 | 9 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Mar ’25 | 7 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Apr ’25 | 10 | 0.0% | 30.0% | 40.0% | 0.0% | 10.0% | 0.0% |
| May ’25 | 18 | 0.0% | 11.1% | 27.8% | 11.1% | 5.6% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’25 | 20 | 0.0% | 5.0% | 40.0% | 5.0% | 5.0% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’25 | 8 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’25 | 11 | 0.0% | 18.2% | 54.5% | 18.2% | 18.2% | 9.1% |
| Sep ’25 | 24 | 0.0% | 8.3% | 50.0% | 0.0% | 12.5% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’25 | 12 | 0.0% | 16.7% | 25.0% | 16.7% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Nov ’25 | 5 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Dec ’25 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jan ’26 | 13 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 46.2% | 15.4% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’26 | 13 | 0.0% | 15.4% | 38.5% | 7.7% | 7.7% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’26 | 6 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Apr ’26 | 10 | 0.0% | 20.0% | 40.0% | 20.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| May ’26 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jun ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jul ’26 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’26 | 81 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 6.2% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’26 | 266 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 3.8% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’26 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the NH 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 11 months are hatched here; 1 of them have no statements.
In Mandelbaum’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Mar 11, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Taxation · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Aug 15, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · extreme label “extreme” aimed at elected officials · Source
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
No statements in this category in this window.
All 529 statements
Newest first, the NH 2025–26 session
The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 529 posts on X.
Policy
Health is what Mandelbaum talks about most: 45% of policy statements, 3.0 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.46 on a 0–1 scale (State House Democrats average 0.54; 393rd of 503).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Mandelbaum talks about. The bills Mandelbaum sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What Mandelbaum talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the NH 2025–26 session
0%50%
Mandelbaum
Peers
Health41 statements
45%
15%
Economics and Public Finance17 statements
19%
11%
Government Operations and Politics11 statements
12%
15%
Science, Technology, Communications10 statements
11%
3%
Education8 statements
9%
15%
Show the data
| Row | Mandelbaum | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Health | 45% | 15% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 19% | 11% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 12% | 15% |
| Science, Technology, Communications | 11% | 3% |
| Education | 9% | 15% |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of Mandelbaum’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 50%. Grey ticks are the State House Democrats averages.
Show the data
| Area | Talks about | State House Democrats, talks about | Legislates on | State House Democrats, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Health | 45% | 15% | 29% | 15% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 19% | 11% | 0% | 2% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 12% | 15% | 6% | 8% |
| Science, Technology, Communications | 11% | 3% | 3% | 1% |
| Education | 9% | 15% | 6% | 10% |
0.46
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State House Democrats average 0.54. Ranks 393rd of 503.
What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Mandelbaum legislates on exactly the areas Mandelbaum talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Mandelbaum sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology
Mandelbaum sits at −0.18 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more conservative than 97% of State House Democrats. Approximate range −0.20 to −0.16, which understates the uncertainty; from 0 donors and 277 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
−0.18
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −0.20 to −0.16. From 0 donors and 277 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Mandelbaum, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Mandelbaum’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Mandelbaum sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
State House Democrats2,392 · median −0.6
New Hampshire House382 · median 0.0
All State House5,324 · median +0.1
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Mandelbaum |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Democrats | 2392 | −0.6 | 97% |
| New Hampshire House | 382 | 0.0 | 44% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 44% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Mandelbaum in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Mandelbaum.
Money
No campaign-finance data.No campaign-finance records are matched to this official.
Votes
Mandelbaum voted with the majority of New Hampshire House Democrats on 76% of party-line votes and missed 35% of 557 roll calls. New Hampshire House on average: 95.3% party unity, 89% attendance. Across all roll calls, Mandelbaum voted against the majority of New Hampshire House Democrats 88 times.
557 roll calls Mandelbaum could vote on in the NH 2025–26 session, compared with New Hampshire House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Mandelbaum voted with the majority of New Hampshire House Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
88
votes against the majority of New Hampshire House Democrats
Party unity 76%, New Hampshire House average 95.3%, ranks 372nd of 381. 557 roll calls in the NH 2025–26 session.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Mandelbaum, the thin grey bar the New Hampshire House average. The scale runs from 60% to 100% to show the gap.
60%100%
Mandelbaum
Peers
Rank
Attendance
65%
89%
354th of 382
Party unity
76%
95.3%
372nd of 381
Show the data
| Row | Mandelbaum | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 65% | 89% |
| Party unity | 76% | 95.3% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the NH 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Aug 19, 2026 | HB 2026 relative to the state 10-year transportation improvement plan; relative to toll rate adjustments and periodic toll reviews for the New Hampshire turnpike system to support the 2027-2036 ten-year transportation plan; and relative to reconstruction of the Gregg Mill Road Bridge in the town of New Bost Veto Override | Did not vote | — | pass | D 143–0 · R 148–25 · I 1–0Democrats 143 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 148 yea, 25 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | party crossover |
| Aug 19, 2026 | HB 1358 establishing a commission to study transitioning all public schools to public charter schools. Veto Override | Did not vote | — | fail | D 0–143 · R 149–23 · I 1–0Democrats 0 yea, 143 nay; Republicans 149 yea, 23 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | close vote · party crossover |
| Aug 19, 2026 | Did not vote | — | pass | D 0–139 · R 161–9 · I 1–0Democrats 0 yea, 139 nay; Republicans 161 yea, 9 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | close vote | |
| Aug 19, 2026 | Did not vote | — | pass | D 0–142 · R 158–13 · I 1–0Democrats 0 yea, 142 nay; Republicans 158 yea, 13 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | close vote | |
| Aug 19, 2026 | HB 1726 relative to the sale of surplus state-owned land and establishing a commission to study the sale of state-owned property. Veto Override | Did not vote | — | fail | D 2–135 · R 98–71 · I 1–0Democrats 2 yea, 135 nay; Republicans 98 yea, 71 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | party crossover |
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Mandelbaum most often
- Amy MaloneD101 shared votes84%
- Jim MacKayD108 shared votes81%
- Jaci GroteD271 shared votes80%
- Dylan GermanaD154 shared votes79%
- Eleana ColbyD258 shared votes79%
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Mandelbaum least often
- Bryan MorseR130 shared votes22%
- Russ DumaisR159 shared votes22%
- Harry BeanR157 shared votes23%
- Mark WardenR278 shared votes24%
- Steven SmithR136 shared votes24%
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
NH 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Legislation
Mandelbaum sponsored 0 bills in the NH 2025–26 session; none became law. Cosponsored 35 others.
The bills Mandelbaum sponsored and cosponsored in the NH 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the NH 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| Cosponsored | 35 | 35 | 18 | 12 | 6 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Mandelbaum sponsored, ochre blocks bills Mandelbaum cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
No effectiveness score.Too few sponsored bills to score (at least 5 are needed).
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Mandelbaum, by number of shared bills in the NH 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
- Mike Moffett8
- Howard Pearl8
- Donovan Fenton7
- David Watters7
- Regina Birdsell6
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Mandelbaum’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| HB 1809 | establishing a medical psilocybin advisory board to assess the advantages and disadvantages of the use of psilocybin for therapeutic purposes. | Cosponsor | Dec 18, 2025 | Passed one chamber | Health(model) | Inexpedient to Legislate, MA, VV === BILL KILLED ===; 05/07/2026; SJ 11 May 5, 2026 |
| HB 1747 | relative to treatment of perinatal mental health conditions. | Cosponsor | Dec 17, 2025 | In committee | Health(model) | Inexpedient to Legislate: MA VV 02/05/2026 HJ 3 P. 10 Feb 5, 2026 |
| HB 1782 | relative to access to rural maternal health care and directing the department of health and human services to develop a rural maternal health care delivery pilot program. | Cosponsor | Dec 17, 2025 | In committee | Health(model) | Inexpedient to Legislate: MA VV 03/05/2026 HJ 6 P. 20 Mar 5, 2026 |
| HB 1761 | expanding the New Hampshire paid family and medical leave program. | Cosponsor | Dec 17, 2025 | In committee | Labor and Employment(model) | Interim Study Report: Not Recommended for Future Legislation 10/15/2026 (Vote 10-1; ) Oct 19, 2026 |
| HB 1773 | relative to food and drink purchased under SNAP, the Supplemental Nutritional Assistance Program. | Cosponsor | Dec 17, 2025 | Passed one chamber | Agriculture and Food(model) | Inexpedient to Legislate: MA VV 03/11/2026 HJ 7 P. 210 Mar 11, 2026 |
Online
A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Mandelbaum’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Mandelbaum’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Mandelbaum posts with a vision model.
Websites
Official site
www.gencourt.state.nh.us/house/members/member.aspx?member=409203Last crawled Oct 1, 2026
1pages crawled
1changes in 90 days
- 27
pages crawled
5changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
Images Mandelbaum posted
No images from Mandelbaum’s posts have been described.
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
State floor speeches
No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.
Floor speeches
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Mandelbaum is most unusual among State House Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- 64122b0a-5dcf-4f7e-aa74-cff67dcb67b3
- Open States
- ocd-person/64122b0a-5dcf-4f7e-aa74-cff67dcb67b3
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
- Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
- Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab