Bipartisanship
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
May 31, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; bipartisanship; credit claiming; Families · Source
95%
of State Senate Republicans score to the left of McCay on the CSIP scale
CSIP score +0.83 (approximate range +0.79 to +0.88, which understates the uncertainty); negative is left of the scale’s centre, positive right. From 42 donors and 1,041 roll calls.
CSIP places every official on one left–right scale estimated from roll-call votes, campaign donations and the text of statements; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of moderate. The share says where McCay sits among State Senate Republicans, not how far from the centre.
At a glance
6 measures against State Senate Republicans. 1.6% of McCay’s statements claim credit, in the bottom quarter of State Senate Republicans (average 15%). 17% of McCay’s statements discuss policy, in the bottom quarter of State Senate Republicans (average 37%).
The measures on which McCay sits furthest from the middle of State Senate Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
CSIP ideology
+0.83
More conservative than 95% of State Senate Republicans · ± 0.05
Credit claiming
1.6%
State Senate Republicans average 15% · ranks 316th of 354
Policy discussion
17%
State Senate Republicans average 37% · ranks 301st of 354
From Utah, 2026
100%
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 136th of 860 State Senate Republicans
Talk-to-bills agreement
0.61
State Senate Republicans average 0.52 · ranks 57th of 226
Itemized, 2026
$130.4K
State Senate Republicans’ median $46.2K · ranks 237th of 936
Peer group: State Senate Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is McCay, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which McCay is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What McCay says
McCay claims credit less than 88% of State Senate Republicans. Credit claiming in 1.6% of 3,331 statements, against 15% for the average State Senate Republican; 316th of 354.
An AI model reads each of McCay’s 3,331 statements in the UT 2025–26 session (3,331 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Republicans and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the UT 2025–26 session
0%80%
McCay
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion578 statements
17%
37%
301st of 354
Policy criticism259 statements
8%
9%
156th of 354
Personal attacks75 statements
2%
2%
111th of 354
Credit claiming53 statements
2%
15%
316th of 354
Bipartisanship19 statements
1%
2%
241st of 354
Show the data
| Row | McCay | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 17% | 37% |
| Policy criticism | 8% | 9% |
| Personal attacks | 2% | 2% |
| Credit claiming | 2% | 15% |
| Bipartisanship | 1% | 2% |
3,331
statements classified
3,331 posts on X.
Show the data
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 3,331 |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is McCay; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Republicans. A longer thick bar means McCay does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
McCay used extreme labels in 0.9% of statements, below the peer average. 29 statements, most often aimed at Democrat; peers 1.3%.
- “woke”4
- “communist”2
- “extreme”2
- “radical”2
- “MAGA”1
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
- Democrat1
- democratic1
- district 11
- extremists1
- far right1
What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the UT 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 129 | 3.9% | 16.3% | 22.5% | 0.0% | 2.3% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’25 | 159 | 3.1% | 10.1% | 15.1% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’25 | 142 | 2.8% | 6.3% | 8.5% | 1.4% | 2.1% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’25 | 196 | 5.1% | 9.2% | 14.8% | 0.0% | 0.5% | 2.0% |
| May ’25 | 184 | 4.9% | 8.2% | 15.2% | 0.5% | 0.0% | 0.5% |
| Jun ’25 | 127 | 2.4% | 7.9% | 12.6% | 0.8% | 1.6% | 1.6% |
| Jul ’25 | 212 | 3.8% | 3.3% | 8.5% | 0.0% | 1.4% | 3.8% |
| Aug ’25 | 206 | 1.5% | 13.6% | 19.4% | 1.0% | 1.9% | 0.5% |
| Sep ’25 | 225 | 0.9% | 4.0% | 6.7% | 0.9% | 0.0% | 1.3% |
| Oct ’25 | 140 | 2.1% | 7.1% | 15.7% | 0.0% | 2.1% | 1.4% |
| Nov ’25 | 188 | 3.2% | 11.7% | 16.5% | 2.7% | 1.6% | 1.1% |
| Dec ’25 | 187 | 1.1% | 6.4% | 21.9% | 0.5% | 0.0% | 1.6% |
| Jan ’26 | 146 | 2.1% | 6.2% | 33.6% | 0.0% | 2.1% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’26 | 167 | 0.6% | 6.6% | 11.4% | 1.2% | 1.2% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’26 | 166 | 0.6% | 8.4% | 15.7% | 1.2% | 3.0% | 0.6% |
| Apr ’26 | 80 | 0.0% | 6.3% | 17.5% | 0.0% | 2.5% | 0.0% |
| May ’26 | 87 | 1.1% | 4.6% | 23.0% | 1.1% | 6.9% | 1.1% |
| Jun ’26 | 155 | 0.7% | 12.3% | 19.4% | 0.0% | 5.2% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’26 | 95 | 1.1% | 5.3% | 11.6% | 0.0% | 2.1% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’26 | 79 | 1.3% | 3.8% | 35.4% | 0.0% | 1.3% | 1.3% |
| Sep ’26 | 155 | 1.9% | 4.5% | 31.6% | 0.0% | 0.7% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’26 | 106 | 2.8% | 4.7% | 25.5% | 0.0% | 0.9% | 0.0% |
How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the UT 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%.
In McCay’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 19, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · credit claiming · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Aug 15, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Government Operations and Politics; Education; extreme label “extreme” aimed at UofU · Source
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Jeffrey PierceSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Jeffrey PierceSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Taxation · target: JeffSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: ChadSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: notakeynesianSource
All 3,331 statements
Newest first, the UT 2025–26 session
The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 3,331 posts on X.
Policy
Government Operations and Politics is what McCay talks about most: 28% of policy statements, above the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.61 on a 0–1 scale (State Senate Republicans average 0.52; 57th of 226).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what McCay talks about. The bills McCay sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What McCay talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the UT 2025–26 session
0%36%
McCay
Peers
Government Operations and Politics164 statements
28%
17%
Taxation136 statements
24%
7%
Economics and Public Finance62 statements
11%
12%
Law57 statements
10%
4%
Housing and Community Development54 statements
9%
3%
Show the data
| Row | McCay | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Government Operations and Politics | 28% | 17% |
| Taxation | 24% | 7% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 11% | 12% |
| Law | 10% | 4% |
| Housing and Community Development | 9% | 3% |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of McCay’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 36%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Republicans averages.
Show the data
| Area | Talks about | State Senate Republicans, talks about | Legislates on | State Senate Republicans, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Government Operations and Politics | 28% | 17% | 32% | 12% |
| Taxation | 24% | 7% | 26% | 10% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 11% | 12% | 3% | 3% |
| Law | 10% | 4% | 3% | 4% |
| Housing and Community Development | 9% | 3% | 1% | 2% |
0.61
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State Senate Republicans average 0.52. Ranks 57th of 226.
What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means McCay legislates on exactly the areas McCay talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills McCay sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology
McCay sits at +0.83 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more conservative than 95% of State Senate Republicans. Approximate range +0.79 to +0.88, which understates the uncertainty; from 42 donors and 1,041 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
+0.83
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +0.79 to +0.88. From 42 donors and 1,041 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is McCay, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of McCay’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where McCay sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
State Senate Republicans1,083 · median +0.4
Utah Senate29 · median +0.3
All State Senate1,909 · median +0.1
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of McCay |
|---|---|---|---|
| State Senate Republicans | 1083 | +0.4 | 95% |
| Utah Senate | 29 | +0.3 | 90% |
| All State Senate | 1909 | +0.1 | 97% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is McCay in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of McCay.
Money
McCay reported $130.4K in the 2026 cycle, 2.8 times the State Senate Republicans’ median of $46.2K. State filings report no small-donation total. 100% of itemized individual money came from Utah.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
$130.4K
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 17 itemized donors. State Senate Republicans’ median $46.2K.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
- Individuals (itemized)22 squares$28.1K
- PACs and other committees78 squares$102.3K
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $28.1K | 21.6% |
| PACs and other committees | $102.3K | 78.4% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Receipts by cycle
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State Senate Republicans’ median for 2026.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $32.2K |
| 2022 cycle | $44.3K |
| 2024 cycle | $63.8K |
| 2026 cycle | $130.4K |
Top donor states, 2026
Itemized contributions by donor state. 100% came from Utah.
- Utah$28.1K
Small donations
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Utah | $28.1K |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
| Florida | No data |
17
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
100%
from Utah
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Utah. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No occupations reported.
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
- UTAH REPUBLICAN SENATE CAMPAIGN COMMITTEE$55.0K
- LINCOLN HILL PARTNERS PAC$8,500
- UTAH ASSOCIATION OF REALTORS$6,500
- CULLIMORE FOR SENATE$5,000
- LEAD ENCOURAGE ELECT PAC$5,000
Top employers
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
McCay voted with the majority of Utah Senate Republicans on 95.7% of party-line votes and missed 9.5% of 1,085 roll calls. Utah Senate on average: 91.6% party unity, 88% attendance. Across all roll calls, McCay voted against the majority of Utah Senate Republicans 43 times.
1,085 roll calls McCay could vote on in the UT 2025–26 session, compared with Utah Senate. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where McCay voted with the majority of Utah Senate Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
43
votes against the majority of Utah Senate Republicans
Party unity 95.7%, Utah Senate average 91.6%, ranks 8th of 28. 1,085 roll calls in the UT 2025–26 session.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is McCay, the thin grey bar the Utah Senate average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
80%100%
McCay
Peers
Rank
Attendance
90.5%
88%
16th of 29
Party unity
95.7%
91.6%
8th of 28
Show the data
| Row | McCay | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 90.5% | 88% |
| Party unity | 95.7% | 91.6% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the UT 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Mar 7, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 5–0 · R 18–0 · O 1–0Democrats 5 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 18 yea, 0 nay; Others 1 yea, 0 nay | became law | |
| Mar 7, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 6–0 · R 17–0 · O 1–0Democrats 6 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 17 yea, 0 nay; Others 1 yea, 0 nay | became law | |
| Mar 7, 2026 | Nay | Against majority | pass | D 6–0 · R 13–7 · O 1–0Democrats 6 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 13 yea, 7 nay; Others 1 yea, 0 nay | became law · party crossover | |
| Mar 7, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 4–0 · R 18–0 · O 1–0Democrats 4 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 18 yea, 0 nay; Others 1 yea, 0 nay | became law | |
| Mar 7, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 6–0 · R 21–1 · O 1–0Democrats 6 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 21 yea, 1 nay; Others 1 yea, 0 nay | became law |
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as McCay most often
- Lincoln FillmoreR857 shared votes96%
- Stuart AdamsR749 shared votes95%
- Scott SandallR720 shared votes95%
- John JohnsonR914 shared votes95%
- Wayne HarperR922 shared votes95%
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as McCay least often
- Nate BlouinD970 shared votes73%
- Kathleen RiebeD889 shared votes77%
- Stephanie PitcherD933 shared votes81%
- Karen KwanD970 shared votes82%
- Jen PlumbD913 shared votes83%
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
UT 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Legislation
McCay sponsored 25 bills in the UT 2025–26 session; 12 became law. Cosponsored 55 others. 88% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Utah Senate average 73%; 8th of 28).
The bills McCay sponsored and cosponsored in the UT 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the UT 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 25 | 24 | 22 | 14 | 12 |
| Cosponsored | 55 | 51 | 50 | 37 | 26 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills McCay sponsored, ochre blocks bills McCay cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
88%
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Utah Senate average 73%. Ranks 8th of 28.
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with McCay, by number of shared bills in the UT 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
- Candice Pierucci8
- Steve Eliason6
- Ryan Wilcox4
- Jordan Teuscher4
- Lisa Shepherd4
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of McCay’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| HJR 22 | Proposal to Amend Utah Constitution - Legislative Session | Cosponsor | Mar 7, 2026 | Introduced | Government Operations and Politics(model) | House/ filed Mar 7, 2026 |
| SB 78 | Property Tax Relief Amendments | Sponsor | Mar 7, 2026 | Passed both chambers | Taxation(model) | Senate/ filed Mar 7, 2026 |
| HB 433 | Professional Licensing Amendments | Cosponsor | Mar 7, 2026 | Passed both chambers | Labor and Employment(model) | House/ filed Mar 7, 2026 |
| HB 193 | Transgender Medical Procedures Amendments | Cosponsor | Mar 7, 2026 | Passed both chambers | Health(model) | House/ filed Mar 7, 2026 |
| HB 141 | International Money Transmission Amendments | Cosponsor | Mar 7, 2026 | Passed both chambers | Finance and Financial Sector(model) | House/ filed Mar 7, 2026 |
Online
A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. McCay’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls McCay’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images McCay posts with a vision model.
Websites
- 1
pages crawled
1changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Images McCay posted
No images from McCay’s posts have been described.
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
State floor speeches
4 turns, Feb 10, 2026 to Mar 5, 2026
Floor speeches
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which McCay is most unusual among State Senate Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- 6540aa74-9456-4b29-9b56-cadd31104db2
- Open States
- ocd-person/6540aa74-9456-4b29-9b56-cadd31104db2
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
- Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
- Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab