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Republican · New York Senate, district 57

Serving since Jan 1, 2023NY 2025–26 session

Portrait of George Borrello, rendered as a two-tone print
Official portrait
7.7×
the State Senate Republican rate of personal attacks

17% of 322 statements contain a personal attack (56 statements); the average for State Senate Republicans is 2.3%. Ranks 4th of 354, where 1st is the highest rate.

An AI model reads each of Borrello’s posts on X and marks whether it attacks a person’s character, integrity or loyalty. The rate is the share of statements marked; it is compared with the average among State Senate Republicans and ranked against the same group.

At a glance

6 measures against State Senate Republicans. 18% of Borrello’s statements use an extreme label, 13.9 times the State Senate Republican average of 1.3%. 29% of Borrello’s statements criticize a policy, 3.0 times the State Senate Republican average of 9.5%.

The measures on which Borrello sits furthest from the middle of State Senate Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.

Personal attacks

17%

State Senate Republicans average 2.3% · ranks 4th of 354

Extreme labels

18%

State Senate Republicans average 1.3% · ranks 3rd of 354

Policy criticism

29%

State Senate Republicans average 9.5% · ranks 21st of 354

Credit claiming

0.6%

State Senate Republicans average 15% · ranks 325th of 354

Out of committee

24%

New York Senate average 44% · ranks 54th of 62

CSIP ideology

+0.60

More conservative than 83% of State Senate Republicans · ± 0.03

Peer group: State Senate Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Borrello, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Borrello is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).

Back to topNext: What politicians say

What Borrello says

Borrello claims credit less than 91% of State Senate Republicans. Credit claiming in 0.6% of 322 statements, against 15% for the average State Senate Republican; 325th of 354.

An AI model reads each of Borrello’s 322 statements in the NY 2025–26 session (322 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Republicans and ranked among them.

Kinds of statement

Share of statements carrying each label, the NY 2025–26 session

0%80%
Borrello
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion159 statements
49%
37%
96th of 354
Policy criticism92 statements
29%
9%
21st of 354
Personal attacks56 statements
17%
2%
4th of 354
Bipartisanship3 statements
1%
2%
211th of 354
Credit claiming2 statements
1%
15%
325th of 354
Show the data
Borrello's share of statements in each category against the State Senate Republicans average.
RowBorrelloPeers
Policy discussion49%37%
Policy criticism29%9%
Personal attacks17%2%
Bipartisanship1%2%
Credit claiming1%15%
322

statements classified

322 posts on X.

posts on X: 322 (100.0%)posts on X 322
Show the data
Borrello's statements by source
PartValue
posts on X322
How to read the bars

The thick bar is Borrello; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Republicans. A longer thick bar means Borrello does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.

Extreme labels

Borrello used extreme labels in 18% of statements, 13.9 times the peer average. 57 statements, most often aimed at Democrats; peers 1.3%.

  1. “radical”24
  2. “communist”11
  3. “far left”6
  4. “woke”1

Who gets the labels

Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements

  1. Democrats6
  2. Mamdani5
  3. Albany Democrats2
  4. commiemamdani2
  5. communist2
What an extreme label is

Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.

Month by month

Share of statements per month, the NY 2025–26 session

Statements2025-01: 112025-02: 252025-03: 182025-04: 162025-05: 232025-06: 82025-07: 252025-08: 362025-09: 172025-10: 252025-11: 112025-12: 202026-01: 112026-02: 72026-03: 92026-04: 62026-05: 62026-06: 62026-07: 182026-08: 82026-09: 112026-10: 5peak 36 · Aug ’25Personal attackspeak 32.0% · Feb ’25 · latest 0.0%Personal attacks, 2025-01: 18.2% of 11Personal attacks, 2025-02: 32.0% of 25Personal attacks, 2025-03: 16.7% of 18Personal attacks, 2025-04: 12.5% of 16Personal attacks, 2025-05: 17.4% of 23Personal attacks, 2025-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-07: 24.0% of 25Personal attacks, 2025-08: 16.7% of 36Personal attacks, 2025-09: 5.9% of 17Personal attacks, 2025-10: 12.0% of 25Personal attacks, 2025-11: 18.2% of 11Personal attacks, 2025-12: 15.0% of 20Personal attacks, 2026-01: 27.3% of 11Personal attacks, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-07: 11.1% of 18Personal attacks, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-09: 0.0% of 11Personal attacks, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticismpeak 48.0% · Oct ’25 · latest 0.0%Policy criticism, 2025-01: 45.5% of 11Policy criticism, 2025-02: 28.0% of 25Policy criticism, 2025-03: 33.3% of 18Policy criticism, 2025-04: 43.8% of 16Policy criticism, 2025-05: 26.1% of 23Policy criticism, 2025-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-07: 36.0% of 25Policy criticism, 2025-08: 30.6% of 36Policy criticism, 2025-09: 23.5% of 17Policy criticism, 2025-10: 48.0% of 25Policy criticism, 2025-11: 18.2% of 11Policy criticism, 2025-12: 15.0% of 20Policy criticism, 2026-01: 9.1% of 11Policy criticism, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-07: 27.8% of 18Policy criticism, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-09: 0.0% of 11Policy criticism, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussionpeak 77.8% · Jul ’26 · latest 72.7%Policy discussion, 2025-01: 45.5% of 11Policy discussion, 2025-02: 48.0% of 25Policy discussion, 2025-03: 61.1% of 18Policy discussion, 2025-04: 56.3% of 16Policy discussion, 2025-05: 39.1% of 23Policy discussion, 2025-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-07: 44.0% of 25Policy discussion, 2025-08: 38.9% of 36Policy discussion, 2025-09: 47.1% of 17Policy discussion, 2025-10: 48.0% of 25Policy discussion, 2025-11: 27.3% of 11Policy discussion, 2025-12: 65.0% of 20Policy discussion, 2026-01: 54.5% of 11Policy discussion, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-07: 77.8% of 18Policy discussion, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-09: 72.7% of 11Policy discussion, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanshippeak 4.3% · May ’25 · latest 0.0%Bipartisanship, 2025-01: 0.0% of 11Bipartisanship, 2025-02: 0.0% of 25Bipartisanship, 2025-03: 0.0% of 18Bipartisanship, 2025-04: 0.0% of 16Bipartisanship, 2025-05: 4.3% of 23Bipartisanship, 2025-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-07: 0.0% of 25Bipartisanship, 2025-08: 0.0% of 36Bipartisanship, 2025-09: 0.0% of 17Bipartisanship, 2025-10: 4.0% of 25Bipartisanship, 2025-11: 0.0% of 11Bipartisanship, 2025-12: 0.0% of 20Bipartisanship, 2026-01: 0.0% of 11Bipartisanship, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-07: 0.0% of 18Bipartisanship, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-09: 0.0% of 11Bipartisanship, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claimingpeak 6.3% · Apr ’25 · latest 0.0%Credit claiming, 2025-01: 0.0% of 11Credit claiming, 2025-02: 0.0% of 25Credit claiming, 2025-03: 0.0% of 18Credit claiming, 2025-04: 6.3% of 16Credit claiming, 2025-05: 4.3% of 23Credit claiming, 2025-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-07: 0.0% of 25Credit claiming, 2025-08: 0.0% of 36Credit claiming, 2025-09: 0.0% of 17Credit claiming, 2025-10: 0.0% of 25Credit claiming, 2025-11: 0.0% of 11Credit claiming, 2025-12: 0.0% of 20Credit claiming, 2026-01: 0.0% of 11Credit claiming, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-07: 0.0% of 18Credit claiming, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-09: 0.0% of 11Credit claiming, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labelspeak 54.5% · Nov ’25 · latest 9.1%Extreme labels, 2025-01: 9.1% of 11Extreme labels, 2025-02: 4.0% of 25Extreme labels, 2025-03: 22.2% of 18Extreme labels, 2025-04: 18.8% of 16Extreme labels, 2025-05: 8.7% of 23Extreme labels, 2025-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-07: 32.0% of 25Extreme labels, 2025-08: 25.0% of 36Extreme labels, 2025-09: 17.6% of 17Extreme labels, 2025-10: 12.0% of 25Extreme labels, 2025-11: 54.5% of 11Extreme labels, 2025-12: 20.0% of 20Extreme labels, 2026-01: 9.1% of 11Extreme labels, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-04: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-07: 11.1% of 18Extreme labels, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-09: 9.1% of 11Extreme labels, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Jan ’25Jul ’25Jan ’26Jul ’26Oct ’26
Show the data
Monthly rates for Borrello, each row shaded against its own peak, with statement volume. Months with fewer than 10 statements are left blank.
ColumnStatementsPersonal attacksPolicy criticismPolicy discussionBipartisanshipCredit claimingExtreme labels
Jan ’251118.2%45.5%45.5%0.0%0.0%9.1%
Feb ’252532.0%28.0%48.0%0.0%0.0%4.0%
Mar ’251816.7%33.3%61.1%0.0%0.0%22.2%
Apr ’251612.5%43.8%56.3%0.0%6.3%18.8%
May ’252317.4%26.1%39.1%4.3%4.3%8.7%
Jun ’258— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jul ’252524.0%36.0%44.0%0.0%0.0%32.0%
Aug ’253616.7%30.6%38.9%0.0%0.0%25.0%
Sep ’25175.9%23.5%47.1%0.0%0.0%17.6%
Oct ’252512.0%48.0%48.0%4.0%0.0%12.0%
Nov ’251118.2%18.2%27.3%0.0%0.0%54.5%
Dec ’252015.0%15.0%65.0%0.0%0.0%20.0%
Jan ’261127.3%9.1%54.5%0.0%0.0%9.1%
Feb ’267— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Mar ’269— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Apr ’266— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
May ’266— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jun ’266— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jul ’261811.1%27.8%77.8%0.0%0.0%11.1%
Aug ’268— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Sep ’26110.0%0.0%72.7%0.0%0.0%9.1%
Oct ’265— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
How to read the strips

Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the NY 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 8 months are hatched here.

In Borrello’s words

Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned

Personal attacks

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Oct 21, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; policy discussion; Government Operations and Politics; Public Lands and Natural Resources; target: Kathy Hochul · Source

Credit claiming

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

May 27, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Armed Forces and National Security · Source

Extreme label

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Oct 23, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Energy; Environmental Protection; extreme label “radical” aimed at climate agenda · Source

Examples by category

Up to five recent statements in each category

Category

Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.

  1. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · policy discussion · Government Operations and Politics · Public Lands and Natural Resources · target: Kathy HochulSource

  2. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · policy discussion · Economics and Public FinanceSource

  3. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · target: Joe BidenSource

  4. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · policy criticism · policy discussion · Health · target: Attorney GeneralSource

  5. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · policy criticism · policy discussion · Energy · Environmental Protection · target: NYCMayorSource

All 322 statements

Newest first, the NY 2025–26 session

The full feed

Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 322 posts on X.

Back to topNext: Policy

Policy

Energy is what Borrello talks about most: 26% of policy statements, 4.5 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.60 on a 0–1 scale (State Senate Republicans average 0.52; 60th of 226).

Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Borrello talks about. The bills Borrello sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.

What Borrello talks about

Share of policy statements by area, the NY 2025–26 session

0%35%
Borrello
Peers
Energy41 statements
26%
6%
Crime and Law Enforcement34 statements
21%
12%
Economics and Public Finance27 statements
17%
12%
Government Operations and Politics24 statements
15%
17%
Environmental Protection16 statements
10%
2%
Show the data
Policy areas Borrello talks about, as a share of policy statements, against the State Senate Republicans average.
RowBorrelloPeers
Energy26%6%
Crime and Law Enforcement21%12%
Economics and Public Finance17%12%
Government Operations and Politics15%17%
Environmental Protection10%2%
How to read the bars

The thick bar is the share of Borrello’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

Talks about · legislates on

Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Republicans averages.

Talks aboutLegislates onEnergyEnergy, talks about: 26% (State Senate Republicans 6%)26%Energy, legislates on: 4% (State Senate Republicans 3%)4%Crime and Law EnforcementCrime and Law Enforcement, talks about: 21% (State Senate Republicans 12%)21%Crime and Law Enforcement, legislates on: 18% (State Senate Republicans 10%)18%Economics and Public FinanceEconomics and Public Finance, talks about: 17% (State Senate Republicans 12%)17%Economics and Public Finance, legislates on: 4% (State Senate Republicans 3%)4%Government Operations andPoliticsGovernment Operations and Politics, talks about: 15% (State Senate Republicans 17%)15%Government Operations and Politics, legislates on: 10% (State Senate Republicans 12%)10%Environmental ProtectionEnvironmental Protection, talks about: 10% (State Senate Republicans 2%)10%Environmental Protection, legislates on: 2% (State Senate Republicans 2%)2%
Show the data
Borrello's share of statements against share of bills in each policy area.
AreaTalks aboutState Senate Republicans, talks aboutLegislates onState Senate Republicans, legislates on
Energy26%6%4%3%
Crime and Law Enforcement21%12%18%10%
Economics and Public Finance17%12%4%3%
Government Operations and Politics15%17%10%12%
Environmental Protection10%2%2%2%
0.60

talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1

State Senate Republicans average 0.52. Ranks 60th of 226.

What agreement means, and what it doesn’t

Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Borrello legislates on exactly the areas Borrello talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Borrello sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.

Back to topNext: Ideology

Ideology

Borrello sits at +0.60 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more conservative than 83% of State Senate Republicans. Approximate range +0.57 to +0.63, which understates the uncertainty; from 870 donors and 994 roll calls.

CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.

+0.60

CSIP ideal point

Approximate range +0.57 to +0.63. From 870 donors and 994 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.

← More liberalMore conservative →0Borrello +0.6State Senate Republicans +0.4New York Senate −0.5All State Senate +0.1

The outlined dot is Borrello, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Borrello’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.

What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.

Where Borrello sits

Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale

−2.0−1.00.0+1.0+2.0← More liberalMore conservative →State Senate Republicansmedian +0.4Borrello +0.6New York Senatemedian −0.5All State Senatemedian +0.1
Show the data
Borrello's CSIP score of +0.60 placed against State Senate Republicans, New York Senate, All State Senate.
GroupOfficialsMedianShare left of Borrello
State Senate Republicans1083+0.483%
New York Senate62−0.598%
All State Senate1909+0.190%
How to read the strips

Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Borrello in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Borrello.

Back to topNext: Money

Money

Borrello reported $136.1K in the 2026 cycle, 2.9 times the State Senate Republicans’ median of $46.2K. State filings report no small-donation total. 97% of itemized individual money came from New York.

Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.

Election cycle
$136.1K

itemized in the 2026 cycle

From 327 itemized donors. State Senate Republicans’ median $46.2K.

Where the money came from

Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.

Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)Individuals (itemized): $93.4K (68.6%)PACs and other committees: $38.6K (28.4%)PACs and other committees: $38.6K (28.4%)PACs and other committees: $38.6K (28.4%)PACs and other committees: $38.6K (28.4%)PACs and other committees: $38.6K (28.4%)PACs and other committees: $38.6K (28.4%)PACs and other committees: $38.6K (28.4%)PACs and other committees: $38.6K (28.4%)PACs and other committees: $38.6K (28.4%)PACs and other committees: $38.6K (28.4%)PACs and other committees: $38.6K (28.4%)PACs and other committees: $38.6K (28.4%)PACs and other committees: $38.6K (28.4%)PACs and other committees: $38.6K (28.4%)PACs and other committees: $38.6K (28.4%)PACs and other committees: $38.6K (28.4%)PACs and other committees: $38.6K (28.4%)PACs and other committees: $38.6K (28.4%)PACs and other committees: $38.6K (28.4%)PACs and other committees: $38.6K (28.4%)PACs and other committees: $38.6K (28.4%)PACs and other committees: $38.6K (28.4%)PACs and other committees: $38.6K (28.4%)PACs and other committees: $38.6K (28.4%)PACs and other committees: $38.6K (28.4%)PACs and other committees: $38.6K (28.4%)PACs and other committees: $38.6K (28.4%)PACs and other committees: $38.6K (28.4%)Party committees: $4,100 (3.0%)Party committees: $4,100 (3.0%)Party committees: $4,100 (3.0%)
  • Individuals (itemized)69 squares$93.4K
  • PACs and other committees28 squares$38.6K
  • Party committees3 squares$4,100
Show the data
Sources of Borrello's money, 2026 cycle, one square per percent
SourceAmountShare
Individuals (itemized)$93.4K68.6%
PACs and other committees$38.6K28.4%
Party committees$4,1003.0%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.

Receipts by cycle

Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State Senate Republicans’ median for 2026.

2020 cycle: $105.1K$105.1K20202022 cycle: $148.9K$148.9K20222024 cycle: $130.4K$130.4K20242026 cycle: $136.1K$136.1K2026State Senate Republicans median $46.2K
Show the data
Borrello's receipts by cycle against the 2026 State Senate Republicans median.
ItemValue
2020 cycle$105.1K
2022 cycle$148.9K
2024 cycle$130.4K
2026 cycle$136.1K

Top donor states, 2026

Itemized contributions by donor state. 97% came from New York.

  1. New York$90.2K
  2. Florida$1,404
  3. Oregon$1,000
  4. Pennsylvania$450
  5. California$200

Small donations

State filings report no total for small gifts.

Not reported in state filings.

Where itemized donors live

Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state

Alaska: no dataAKMaine: no dataMEVermont: no dataVTNew Hampshire: no dataNHWashington: no dataWAIdaho: no dataIDMontana: no dataMTNorth Dakota: no dataNDMinnesota: no dataMNIllinois: no dataILWisconsin: no dataWIMichigan: no dataMINew York: $90.2KNYRhode Island: no dataRIMassachusetts: no dataMAOregon: $1,000ORNevada: no dataNVWyoming: no dataWYSouth Dakota: no dataSDIowa: no dataIAIndiana: no dataINOhio: no dataOHPennsylvania: $450PANew Jersey: no dataNJConnecticut: no dataCTCalifornia: $200CAUtah: no dataUTColorado: no dataCONebraska: no dataNEMissouri: no dataMOKentucky: no dataKYWest Virginia: no dataWVVirginia: no dataVAMaryland: no dataMDDelaware: no dataDEArizona: $100AZNew Mexico: no dataNMKansas: no dataKSArkansas: no dataARTennessee: no dataTNNorth Carolina: no dataNCSouth Carolina: no dataSCDistrict of Columbia: no dataDCOklahoma: no dataOKLouisiana: no dataLAMississippi: no dataMSAlabama: no dataALGeorgia: no dataGAHawaii: no dataHITexas: no dataTXFlorida: $1,404FL
Show the data
Borrello's itemized individual contributions by donor state, 2026 cycle
StateValue
New York$90.2K
Florida$1,404
Oregon$1,000
Pennsylvania$450
California$200
Arizona$100
AlaskaNo data
MaineNo data
VermontNo data
New HampshireNo data
WashingtonNo data
IdahoNo data
MontanaNo data
North DakotaNo data
MinnesotaNo data
IllinoisNo data
WisconsinNo data
MichiganNo data
Rhode IslandNo data
MassachusettsNo data
NevadaNo data
WyomingNo data
South DakotaNo data
IowaNo data
IndianaNo data
OhioNo data
New JerseyNo data
ConnecticutNo data
UtahNo data
ColoradoNo data
NebraskaNo data
MissouriNo data
KentuckyNo data
West VirginiaNo data
VirginiaNo data
MarylandNo data
DelawareNo data
New MexicoNo data
KansasNo data
ArkansasNo data
TennesseeNo data
North CarolinaNo data
South CarolinaNo data
District of ColumbiaNo data
OklahomaNo data
LouisianaNo data
MississippiNo data
AlabamaNo data
GeorgiaNo data
HawaiiNo data
TexasNo data
327

itemized donors

People who gave more than $200

97%

from New York

Of itemized individual dollars

How to read the map

Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is New York. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.

Top donor occupations

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

  1. RETIRED$39.3K 114 donors
  2. OWNER$12.2K 16 donors
  3. CONSULTANT$3,250 4 donors
  4. PRESIDENT$2,954 6 donors
  5. EXECUTIVE$2,903 3 donors

Top committees

PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.

  1. RPAC OF NYS$4,000
  2. NATIONAL FUEL GAS NEW YORK PAC$3,100
  3. CIGNA CORPORATION PAC$3,000
  4. NY RESTAURANT PAC$2,500
  5. GENESEE COUNTY REPUBLICAN COMMITTEE$2,000

Top employers

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

  1. ALLEGANY COUNTY$1,700 6 donors
  2. CATTARAUGUS COUNTY$904 3 donors
  3. CHAUTAUQUA COUNTY$460 4 donors
  4. NYS SENATE$425 3 donors
  5. DFT COMMUNICATIONS$300 3 donors

Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.

Back to topNext: Votes

Votes

Borrello voted with the majority of New York Senate Republicans on 95.6% of party-line votes and missed 1.4% of 3,522 roll calls. New York Senate on average: 93.2% party unity, 94.5% attendance. Across all roll calls, Borrello voted against the majority of New York Senate Republicans 250 times.

3,522 roll calls Borrello could vote on in the NY 2025–26 session, compared with New York Senate. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Borrello voted with the majority of New York Senate Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.

250

votes against the majority of New York Senate Republicans

Party unity 95.6%, New York Senate average 93.2%, ranks 38th of 62. 3,522 roll calls in the NY 2025–26 session.

Attendance and party unity

The thick bar is Borrello, the thin grey bar the New York Senate average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.

80%100%
Borrello
Peers
Rank
Attendance
98.6%
94.5%
35th of 62
Party unity
95.6%
93.2%
38th of 62
Show the data
Borrello's attendance and party unity against New York Senate.
RowBorrelloPeers
Attendance98.6%94.5%
Party unity95.6%93.2%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.

Key votes

25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the NY 2025–26 session

Key votes
Party split (yea–nay)Why it’s key
Jun 4, 2026
R 2355
Establishes a plan setting forth an itemized list of grantees for a certain appropriation for the 2026-27 state fiscal year for additional grants in aid to certain school districts, public libraries
Floor Vote
NayAgainst majoritypassD 38–0 · R 15–7Democrats 38 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 15 yea, 7 nayparty crossover
Jun 4, 2026
A 11538
Extends the expansion of eligibility for World Trade Center death and disability benefits for members of New York's organized militia
Floor Vote
YeaWith majoritypassD 38–0 · R 22–0Democrats 38 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 22 yea, 0 naybecame law
Jun 4, 2026
S 1004
Relates to determining the capacity of a defendant to stand trial
Floor Vote - Version: B
NayWith majoritypassD 38–0 · R 8–14Democrats 38 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 8 yea, 14 nayparty crossover
Jun 4, 2026
A 329
Relates to setting integrated behavioral health services
Floor Vote - Version: C
YeaWith majoritypassD 38–0 · R 22–0Democrats 38 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 22 yea, 0 naybecame law
Jun 4, 2026
S 10223
Authorizes the South End Children's Cafe to file an application for a retroactive real property tax exemption with the city of Albany assessor
Floor Vote - Version: A
YeaWith majoritypassD 37–1 · R 21–1Democrats 37 yea, 1 nay; Republicans 21 yea, 1 naybecame law
How key votes are chosen

Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.

Votes most often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Borrello most often

  1. Dan StecR3,441 shared votes93%
  2. Joe GriffoR3,324 shared votes92%
  3. Jim TediscoR3,473 shared votes91%
  4. Steve ChanR3,461 shared votes91%
  5. Tom O'MaraR3,351 shared votes91%

Votes least often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Borrello least often

  1. James SkoufisD3,473 shared votes68%
  2. Monica MartinezD3,453 shared votes70%
  3. Pete HarckhamD3,473 shared votes71%
  4. Jessica Scarcella-SpantonD3,455 shared votes71%
  5. Jabari BrisportD3,473 shared votes71%
How to read the agreement lists

The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.

Full voting record

NY 2025–26 session, loads in batches

Back to topNext: Legislation

Legislation

Borrello sponsored 150 bills in the NY 2025–26 session; 17 became law. Cosponsored 716 others. 24% of sponsored bills got out of committee (New York Senate average 44%; 54th of 62).

The bills Borrello sponsored and cosponsored in the NY 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.

Bills by stage

Counts for the NY 2025–26 session

Sponsored150 billsSponsored, Introduced: 150150Sponsored, In committee: 150150Sponsored, Passed one chamber: 3434Sponsored, Passed both chambers: 1717Sponsored, Became law: 1717Cosponsored716 billsCosponsored, Introduced: 716716Cosponsored, In committee: 716716Cosponsored, Passed one chamber: 339339Cosponsored, Passed both chambers: 1313Cosponsored, Became law: 99IntroducedIncommitteePassed onechamberPassed bothchambersBecamelaw
Show the data
Bills Borrello sponsored and cosponsored, by furthest stage reached
RoleIntroducedIn committeePassed one chamberPassed both chambersBecame law
Sponsored150150341717
Cosponsored716716339139
How to read the blocks

Ink blocks are bills Borrello sponsored, ochre blocks bills Borrello cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.

24%

of sponsored bills got out of committee

New York Senate average 44%. Ranks 54th of 62.

Cosponsorship partners

Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Borrello, by number of shared bills in the NY 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.

  1. Peter Oberacker251
  2. Steve Rhoads228
  3. Patrick Gallivan191
  4. Pam Helming187
  5. Tony Palumbo158
What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Borrello’s bills; the toggle shows more.

Bill list

Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest

Bills sponsored and cosponsored
J 2374Mourning and acknowledging September 11, 2026, as the 25th Anniversary of the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on the United StatesCosponsorSep 10, 2026In committeeUnassignedREFERRED TO FINANCE Sep 10, 2026
S 10679Includes certain violations involving children as qualifying offenses for the purpose of imposing bailCosponsorAug 14, 2026In committeeCrime and Law Enforcement(model)REFERRED TO RULES Aug 14, 2026
S 10632Prohibits the use of intoxication of the victim as a defense in sex crimesCosponsorJun 1, 2026Passed one chamberCrime and Law Enforcement(model)REFERRED TO CODES Jun 4, 2026
J 2318Celebrating Senator Michael N. Gianaris upon the occasion of his designation as the recipient of the President Pro Tempore and Senate Majority Leader s Legislative Legacy AwardCosponsorMay 30, 2026Passed one chamberUnassignedADOPTED Jun 1, 2026
J 2314Recognizing the New York Chapter of the National Domestic Workers AllianceCosponsorMay 29, 2026Passed one chamberUnassignedADOPTED Jun 4, 2026

Back to topNext: Online

Online

A site that changed 3 times in 90 days. Borrello’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.

The lab crawls Borrello’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Borrello posts with a vision model.

Websites

How to read the counts

“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.

Images Borrello posted

No images from Borrello’s posts have been described.

About the descriptions

Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

State floor speeches

3,154 turns, Jan 8, 2020 to Jun 4, 2026

Floor speeches

Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.

Back to topNext: Methods and sources

Methods and sources

How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.

The headline

The headline is the measure on which Borrello is most unusual among State Senate Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.

The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.

A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).

Identifiers

Profile id
676247d1-048f-45de-b265-34069edb2be0
Open States
ocd-person/676247d1-048f-45de-b265-34069edb2be0

Bulk files with the same data for every official:

Freshness of this profile’s data

  • What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
  • Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
  • Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
  • Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
  • Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
  • WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
  • State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.

How the measures work

What politicians say
Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
Extreme labels
A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
Policy areas and agreement
Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology (CSIP)
Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
Campaign money
Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
Votes and key votes
Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
Peers and ranks
Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.

America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab

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