in itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle, in the bottom tenth of State House Democrats
The median for State House Democrats is $40.4K. Ranks 1975th of 2,082, where 1st raised the most. 4 itemized donors.
Itemized contributions reported to the state in the 2026 cycle, ranked among State House Democrats. State filings leave small gifts out, and totals depend on whether the seat is up this cycle.
0
At a glance
6 measures against State House Democrats. 100% of Gomez’s itemized money in the 2026 cycle came from Massachusetts, in the top tenth of State House Democrats. Gomez missed 4.7% of 234 roll calls, attendance in the bottom quarter of the Massachusetts House (average 97.4%).
The measures on which Gomez sits furthest from the middle of State House Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Itemized, 2026
$1,180
State House Democrats’ median $40.4K · ranks 1975th of 2,082
From Massachusetts, 2026
100%
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 195th of 1,983 State House Democrats
Attendance
95.3%
Massachusetts House average 97.4% · ranks 121st of 156 · 234 roll calls
Out of committee
0%
Massachusetts House average 4.0% · ranks 109th of 147
Party unity
100%
Massachusetts House average 98.5% · ranks 58th of 156 · 1 votes against the majority of Massachusetts House Democrats
CSIP ideology
−0.62
More conservative than 51% of State House Democrats · ± 0.16
Peer group: State House Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Gomez, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Gomez is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Gomez criticizes policies less than 93% of State House Democrats. Policy criticism in 0% of 11 statements, against 10% for the average State House Democrat; 717th of 764.
An AI model reads each of Gomez’s 11 statements in the MA 2025–26 session (11 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Democrats and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the MA 2025–26 session
Gomez
State House Democrats, average of 764
0%20%40%60%80%
Gomez
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion4 statements
36%
39%
435th of 764
Credit claiming2 statements
18%
14%
266th of 764
Personal attacks0 statements
0%
3%
584th of 764
Policy criticism0 statements
0%
10%
717th of 764
Bipartisanship0 statements
0%
3%
676th of 764
+ Show the data
Gomez's share of statements in each category against the State House Democrats average.
Row
Gomez
Peers
Policy discussion
36%
39%
Credit claiming
18%
14%
Personal attacks
0%
3%
Policy criticism
0%
10%
Bipartisanship
0%
3%
11
statements classified
11 posts on X.
posts on X
+ Show the data
Gomez's statements by source
Part
Value
posts on X
11
+ − How to read the bars
The thick bar is Gomez; the thin grey bar is the average State House Democrats. A longer thick bar means Gomez does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Gomez used no extreme labels in 11 statements. The peer average is 1.0%.
No extreme labels in this window.
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
No targets recorded.
+ − What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the MA 2025–26 session
No month in this window has 10 or more statements, too few to chart month by month.
+ − How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the MA 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 22 months are hatched here; 20 of them have no statements.
In Gomez’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Policy discussion
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jul 7, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Education; Housing and Community Development; Transportation and Public Works; Health · Source
Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jul 16, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Science, Technology, Communications · Source
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
No statements in this category in this window.
All 11 statements
Newest first, the MA 2025–26 session
+ − The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 11 posts on X.
Health is what Gomez talks about most: 50% of policy statements, 3.3 times the peer share. Peers give it 15%. Agreement with legislation needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Gomez talks about. The bills Gomez sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What Gomez talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the MA 2025–26 session
Gomez
State House Democrats average
0%14%28%41%55%
Gomez
Peers
Health2 statements
50%
15%
Education1 statements
25%
15%
Families1 statements
25%
5%
Finance and Financial Sector1 statements
25%
1%
Housing and Community Development1 statements
25%
6%
+ Show the data
Policy areas Gomez talks about, as a share of policy statements, against the State House Democrats average.
Row
Gomez
Peers
Health
50%
15%
Education
25%
15%
Families
25%
5%
Finance and Financial Sector
25%
1%
Housing and Community Development
25%
6%
+ − How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of Gomez’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 55%. Grey ticks are the State House Democrats averages.
Statements
Bills
State House Democrats
+ Show the data
Gomez's share of statements against share of bills in each policy area.
Area
Talks about
State House Democrats, talks about
Legislates on
State House Democrats, legislates on
Health
50%
15%
17%
15%
Education
25%
15%
9%
10%
Families
25%
5%
1%
3%
Finance and Financial Sector
25%
1%
0%
2%
Housing and Community Development
25%
6%
5%
5%
No agreement score.Needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills in the window.
+ − What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Gomez legislates on exactly the areas Gomez talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Gomez sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Gomez sits at −0.62 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more conservative than 51% of State House Democrats. Approximate range −0.78 to −0.46, which understates the uncertainty; from 39 donors and 130 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
−0.62
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −0.78 to −0.46. From 39 donors and 130 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Gomez, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Gomez’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
+ − What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Gomez sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
State House Democrats2,392 · median −0.6
Massachusetts House157 · median −0.6
All State House5,324 · median +0.1
+ Show the data
Gomez's CSIP score of −0.62 placed against State House Democrats, Massachusetts House, All State House.
Group
Officials
Median
Share left of Gomez
State House Democrats
2392
−0.6
51%
Massachusetts House
157
−0.6
49%
All State House
5324
+0.1
23%
+ − How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Gomez in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Gomez.
Gomez reported $1,180 in the 2026 cycle, 2.9% of the State House Democrats’ median of $40.4K. State filings report no small-donation total. 100% of itemized individual money came from Massachusetts.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
$1,180
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 4 itemized donors. State House Democrats’ median $40.4K.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
Individuals (itemized)7 squares$80
PACs and other committees85 squares$1,000
Party committees8 squares$100
+ Show the data
Sources of Gomez's money, 2026 cycle, one square per percent
Source
Amount
Share
Individuals (itemized)
$80
6.8%
PACs and other committees
$1,000
84.7%
Party committees
$100
8.5%
+ − What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Receipts by cycle
Itemized contributions, 2024 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Democrats’ median for 2026.
+ Show the data
Gomez's receipts by cycle against the 2026 State House Democrats median.
Item
Value
2024 cycle
$6,037
2026 cycle
$1,180
Top donor states, 2026
Itemized contributions by donor state. 100% came from Massachusetts.
Massachusetts$80
Small donations
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Itemized dollars$80$80no data
+ Show the data
Gomez's itemized individual contributions by donor state, 2026 cycle
State
Value
Massachusetts
$80
Alaska
No data
Maine
No data
Vermont
No data
New Hampshire
No data
Washington
No data
Idaho
No data
Montana
No data
North Dakota
No data
Minnesota
No data
Illinois
No data
Wisconsin
No data
Michigan
No data
New York
No data
Rhode Island
No data
Oregon
No data
Nevada
No data
Wyoming
No data
South Dakota
No data
Iowa
No data
Indiana
No data
Ohio
No data
Pennsylvania
No data
New Jersey
No data
Connecticut
No data
California
No data
Utah
No data
Colorado
No data
Nebraska
No data
Missouri
No data
Kentucky
No data
West Virginia
No data
Virginia
No data
Maryland
No data
Delaware
No data
Arizona
No data
New Mexico
No data
Kansas
No data
Arkansas
No data
Tennessee
No data
North Carolina
No data
South Carolina
No data
District of Columbia
No data
Oklahoma
No data
Louisiana
No data
Mississippi
No data
Alabama
No data
Georgia
No data
Hawaii
No data
Texas
No data
Florida
No data
4
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
100%
from Massachusetts
Of itemized individual dollars
+ − How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Massachusetts. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No occupations reported.
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
1199 SEIU MA PAC$500
MA & NORTHERN NE LABORERS' DISTRICT COUNCIL POL ACTION COMM$500
GRANBY DEMTC$100
Top employers
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Gomez voted with the majority of Massachusetts House Democrats on 100% of party-line votes and missed 4.7% of 234 roll calls. Massachusetts House on average: 98.5% party unity, 97.4% attendance. Across all roll calls, Gomez voted against the majority of Massachusetts House Democrats 1 time.
234 roll calls Gomez could vote on in the MA 2025–26 session, compared with Massachusetts House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Gomez voted with the majority of Massachusetts House Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
1
votes against the majority of Massachusetts House Democrats
Party unity 100%, Massachusetts House average 98.5%, ranks 58th of 156. 234 roll calls in the MA 2025–26 session.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Gomez, the thin grey bar the Massachusetts House average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
Gomez
Massachusetts House, average of 156
80%90%100%
Gomez
Peers
Rank
Attendance
95.3%
97.4%
121st of 156
Party unity
100%
98.5%
58th of 156
+ Show the data
Gomez's attendance and party unity against Massachusetts House.
Row
Gomez
Peers
Attendance
95.3%
97.4%
Party unity
100%
98.5%
+ − What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the MA 2025–26 session
An Act relative to property tax classifications in the city of Watertown for fiscal year 2027 and subsequent fiscal years
H. 5569 On passing to be engrossed
Did not vote
—
pass
D 125–0 · R 23–0 · I 1–0Democrats 125 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 23 yea, 0 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay
became law
+ − How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Gomez most often
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Gomez sponsored 19 bills in the MA 2025–26 session; none became law. Cosponsored 135 others. 0% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Massachusetts House average 4.0%; 109th of 147).
The bills Gomez sponsored and cosponsored in the MA 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the MA 2025–26 session
Sponsored
Cosponsored
+ Show the data
Bills Gomez sponsored and cosponsored, by furthest stage reached
Role
Introduced
In committee
Passed one chamber
Passed both chambers
Became law
Sponsored
19
19
0
0
0
Cosponsored
135
135
9
7
3
+ − How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Gomez sponsored, ochre blocks bills Gomez cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
0%
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Massachusetts House average 4.0%. Ranks 109th of 147.
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Gomez, by number of shared bills in the MA 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
Democrat
Lindsay Sabadosa39
Natalie Higgins29
James Arena-DeRosa21
Vanna Howard20
Jamie Eldridge20
+ − What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Gomez’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Gomez’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Gomez’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Gomez posts with a vision model.
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Gomez is most unusual among State House Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.
How the measures work
What politicians say
Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
Extreme labels
A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
Policy areas and agreement
Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology (CSIP)
Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
Campaign money
Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
Votes and key votes
Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
Peers and ranks
Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab