Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
May 31, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; target: Meyer · Source

84% of 58 sponsored bills got out of committee; the average for the Oklahoma House is 44%. Ranks 2nd of 98, where 1st is the highest share.
The share of bills West sponsored that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, ranked within the Oklahoma House. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position as well as effort.
6 measures against the Oklahoma House. West reported $154.0K in the 2026 cycle, in the top quarter of State House Republicans (median $33.7K). West voted against the majority of Oklahoma House Republicans 63 times; party unity 86%, in the bottom quarter of the Oklahoma House (average 88%).
The measures on which West sits furthest from the middle of the Oklahoma House, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Out of committee
Oklahoma House average 44% · ranks 2nd of 98
Itemized, 2026
State House Republicans’ median $33.7K · ranks 322nd of 2,521
Party unity
Oklahoma House average 88% · ranks 78th of 97 · 63 votes against the majority of Oklahoma House Republicans
From Oklahoma, 2026
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 1853rd of 2,335 State House Republicans
CSIP ideology
More liberal than 65% of State House Republicans · ± 0.05
Attendance
Oklahoma House average 90.1% · ranks 62nd of 97 · 1,932 roll calls
Peer group: Oklahoma House. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is West, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which West is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
West talks about policy less than 98% of State House Republicans. Policy discussion in 0% of 8 statements, against 32% for the average State House Republican; 780th of 792.
An AI model reads each of West’s 8 statements in the OK 2025–26 session (8 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Republicans and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the OK 2025–26 session
| Row | West | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Personal attacks | 13% | 3% |
| Policy criticism | 0% | 9% |
| Policy discussion | 0% | 32% |
| Bipartisanship | 0% | 2% |
| Credit claiming | 0% | 13% |
statements classified
8 posts on X.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 8 |
The thick bar is West; the thin grey bar is the average State House Republicans. A longer thick bar means West does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
West used no extreme labels in 8 statements. The peer average is 1.4%.
No extreme labels in this window.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
No targets recorded.
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the OK 2025–26 session
No month in this window has 10 or more statements, too few to chart month by month.
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the OK 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 22 months are hatched here; 19 of them have no statements.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
May 31, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; target: Meyer · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: MeyerSource
Newest first, the OK 2025–26 session
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 8 posts on X.
No policy statements for the OK 2025–26 session.No classified statements (posts, press releases, newsletters, floor speeches) in this time window.
West sits at +0.26 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more liberal than 65% of State House Republicans. Approximate range +0.22 to +0.31, which understates the uncertainty; from 232 donors and 543 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +0.22 to +0.31. From 232 donors and 543 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is West, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of West’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of West |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Republicans | 2917 | +0.4 | 35% |
| Oklahoma House | 99 | +0.3 | 37% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 64% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is West in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of West.
West reported $154.0K in the 2026 cycle, 4.6 times the State House Republicans’ median of $33.7K. State filings report no small-donation total. 84% of itemized individual money came from Oklahoma.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 61 itemized donors. State House Republicans’ median $33.7K.
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $44.1K | 28.6% |
| PACs and other committees | $110.0K | 71.4% |
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Republicans’ median for 2026.
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $109.5K |
| 2022 cycle | $95.8K |
| 2024 cycle | $129.1K |
| 2026 cycle | $154.0K |
Itemized contributions by donor state. 84% came from Oklahoma.
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Oklahoma | $37.0K |
| Arkansas | $3,500 |
| New Jersey | $2,000 |
| Florida | $1,000 |
| Oregon | $375 |
| New Hampshire | $125 |
| Massachusetts | $125 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from Oklahoma
Of itemized individual dollars
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Oklahoma. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
West voted with the majority of Oklahoma House Republicans on 86% of party-line votes and missed 10% of 1,932 roll calls. Oklahoma House on average: 88% party unity, 90.1% attendance. Across all roll calls, West voted against the majority of Oklahoma House Republicans 63 times.
1,932 roll calls West could vote on in the OK 2025–26 session, compared with Oklahoma House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where West voted with the majority of Oklahoma House Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
votes against the majority of Oklahoma House Republicans
Party unity 86%, Oklahoma House average 88%, ranks 78th of 97. 1,932 roll calls in the OK 2025–26 session.
The thick bar is West, the thin grey bar the Oklahoma House average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
| Row | West | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 90% | 90.1% |
| Party unity | 86% | 88% |
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the OK 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| May 14, 2026 | SB 2 Wind energy; providing setback requirements for certain affected counties; waiver; referral of question to eligible voters; zoning; construction; exemptions; database. Fourth Reading | Nay | With majority | fail | D 4–10 · R 15–57Democrats 4 yea, 10 nay; Republicans 15 yea, 57 nay | party crossover · much discussed |
| May 14, 2026 | SB 1589 Crimes and punishments; modifying scope of certain offense related to gambling. Effective date. Veto Override Without Emer. | Nay | Against majority | pass | D 15–0 · R 52–19Democrats 15 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 52 yea, 19 nay | became law · party crossover |
| May 14, 2026 | HB 1370 Motor Fuel Tax Code; repealer; reduction in federal excise tax on gasoline or diesel fuel; emergency. Fourth Reading | Yea | With majority | pass | D 15–1 · R 73–0Democrats 15 yea, 1 nay; Republicans 73 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| May 14, 2026 | SB 893 Property and critical infrastructure; creating the Military Installation and Critical Infrastructure Protection Act of 2025. Effective date. Fourth Reading | Yea | With majority | pass | D 16–0 · R 72–0Democrats 16 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 72 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| May 7, 2026 | SB 1209 Forcible entry and detainer; modifying time period for certain trial. Effective date. Reconsider Measure | Nay | With majority | pass | D 16–0 · R 34–40Democrats 16 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 34 yea, 40 nay | party crossover |
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
The colleagues who voted the same way as West most often
The colleagues who voted the same way as West least often
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
OK 2025–26 session, loads in batches
West sponsored 58 bills in the OK 2025–26 session; 13 became law. Cosponsored 0 others. 84% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Oklahoma House average 44%; 2nd of 98).
The bills West sponsored and cosponsored in the OK 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the OK 2025–26 session
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 58 | 58 | 43 | 26 | 13 |
| Cosponsored | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
Ink blocks are bills West sponsored, ochre blocks bills West cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Oklahoma House average 44%. Ranks 2nd of 98.
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with West, by number of shared bills in the OK 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of West’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| HCR 1030 | Concurrent Resolution establishing a legislative procedure schedule for the 61st Oklahoma Legislature. | Sponsor | May 14, 2026 | Passed both chambers | Unassigned | Filed with Secretary of State May 14, 2026 |
| HCR 1028 | Concurrent Resolution modifying legislative deadlines. | Sponsor | May 6, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | First Reading May 6, 2026 |
| HCR 1027 | Concurrent Resolution; sine die adjournment. | Sponsor | May 4, 2026 | Passed both chambers | Unassigned | Filed with Secretary of State May 5, 2026 |
| HR 1039 | A Resolution congratulating the University of Oklahoma women's gymnastics team for winning the 2025 National Collegiate Athletic Association's women's gymnastics national title. | Sponsor | Mar 23, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Enrolled, signed, filed with Secretary of State Mar 25, 2026 |
| HR 1040 | A Resolution recognizing and honoring Joseph Castiglione for his many contributions to the University of Oklahoma and the State of Oklahoma; distribution. | Sponsor | Mar 23, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Enrolled, signed, filed with Secretary of State Mar 25, 2026 |
A site that has not changed in 90 days. West’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls West’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images West posts with a vision model.
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
No images from West’s posts have been described.
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
315 turns, Feb 13, 2020 to May 14, 2026
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which West is most unusual among Oklahoma House, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab