Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Sep 21, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; policy discussion; Taxation; Education; target: Butler · Source
0.75
agreement between talk and bills (0 to 1), the highest of 226 State Senate Republicans
Agreement 0.75 on a 0–1 scale; the average for State Senate Republicans is 0.52. Ranks 1st of 226, where 1st is the closest match.
How closely the mix of policy areas in Kirkmeyer’s statements matches the mix in the bills Kirkmeyer sponsors and cosponsors: 1 means the same areas in the same proportions, 0 means no overlap. Ranked among State Senate Republicans.
At a glance
6 measures against State Senate Republicans. 0% of Kirkmeyer’s itemized money in the 2026 cycle came from Colorado, in the bottom 5% of State Senate Republicans. Kirkmeyer reported $1,515 in the 2026 cycle, in the bottom 5% of State Senate Republicans (median $46.2K).
The measures on which Kirkmeyer sits furthest from the middle of State Senate Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Talk-to-bills agreement
0.75
State Senate Republicans average 0.52 · ranks 1st of 226
From Colorado, 2026
0%
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 837th of 860 State Senate Republicans
Itemized, 2026
$1,515
State Senate Republicans’ median $46.2K · ranks 896th of 936
Party unity
86%
Colorado Senate average 94.2% · ranks 33rd of 35 · 80 votes against the majority of Colorado Senate Republicans
Policy criticism
23%
State Senate Republicans average 9.5% · ranks 41st of 354
CSIP ideology
+0.15
Right of 0, the centre of the scale · ± 0.02
Peer group: State Senate Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Kirkmeyer, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Kirkmeyer is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Kirkmeyer says
Kirkmeyer criticizes policies more than 88% of State Senate Republicans. Policy criticism in 23% of 711 statements, against 9.5% for the average State Senate Republican; 41st of 354.
An AI model reads each of Kirkmeyer’s 711 statements in the CO 2025–26 session (711 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Republicans and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the CO 2025–26 session
0%80%
Kirkmeyer
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion311 statements
44%
37%
137th of 354
Policy criticism162 statements
23%
9%
41st of 354
Credit claiming102 statements
14%
15%
165th of 354
Personal attacks39 statements
5%
2%
50th of 354
Bipartisanship15 statements
2%
2%
140th of 354
Show the data
| Row | Kirkmeyer | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 44% | 37% |
| Policy criticism | 23% | 9% |
| Credit claiming | 14% | 15% |
| Personal attacks | 5% | 2% |
| Bipartisanship | 2% | 2% |
711
statements classified
711 posts on X.
Show the data
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 711 |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is Kirkmeyer; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Republicans. A longer thick bar means Kirkmeyer does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Kirkmeyer used extreme labels in 0.8% of statements, below the peer average. 6 statements, most often aimed at Marx; peers 1.3%.
- “extreme”3
- “far left”1
- “radical”1
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
- Marx1
- policies1
- SB26 0971
- state laws1
What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the CO 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 16 | 6.3% | 37.5% | 37.5% | 12.5% | 18.8% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’25 | 22 | 4.5% | 27.3% | 40.9% | 0.0% | 4.5% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’25 | 13 | 7.7% | 38.5% | 46.2% | 0.0% | 7.7% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’25 | 5 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| May ’25 | 15 | 13.3% | 40.0% | 66.7% | 6.7% | 20.0% | 13.3% |
| Jun ’25 | 19 | 0.0% | 47.4% | 42.1% | 10.5% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’25 | 35 | 0.0% | 45.7% | 62.9% | 2.9% | 2.9% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’25 | 35 | 0.0% | 60.0% | 62.9% | 0.0% | 11.4% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’25 | 35 | 2.9% | 20.0% | 34.3% | 0.0% | 8.6% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’25 | 44 | 2.3% | 45.5% | 56.8% | 0.0% | 18.2% | 2.3% |
| Nov ’25 | 21 | 4.8% | 38.1% | 42.9% | 0.0% | 14.3% | 0.0% |
| Dec ’25 | 36 | 0.0% | 13.9% | 41.7% | 0.0% | 2.8% | 0.0% |
| Jan ’26 | 32 | 3.1% | 3.1% | 62.5% | 0.0% | 28.1% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’26 | 33 | 6.1% | 24.2% | 57.6% | 0.0% | 39.4% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’26 | 51 | 0.0% | 27.5% | 37.3% | 0.0% | 13.7% | 2.0% |
| Apr ’26 | 56 | 8.9% | 10.7% | 53.6% | 0.0% | 19.6% | 0.0% |
| May ’26 | 94 | 13.8% | 9.6% | 31.9% | 2.1% | 10.6% | 1.1% |
| Jun ’26 | 116 | 6.0% | 8.6% | 25.0% | 5.2% | 19.8% | 0.9% |
| Jul ’26 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’26 | 7 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’26 | 21 | 4.8% | 9.5% | 47.6% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’26 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the CO 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 4 months are hatched here.
In Kirkmeyer’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Sep 18, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Taxation; Economics and Public Finance; Education · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jun 25, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Housing and Community Development; extreme label “radical” aimed at policies · Source
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Taxation · Education · target: ButlerSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Health · target: Manny RutinelSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Health · target: Manny RutinelSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Victor MarxSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Victor MarxSource
All 711 statements
Newest first, the CO 2025–26 session
The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 711 posts on X.
Policy
Economics and Public Finance is what Kirkmeyer talks about most: 38% of policy statements, 3.0 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.75 on a 0–1 scale (State Senate Republicans average 0.52; 1st of 226).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Kirkmeyer talks about. The bills Kirkmeyer sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What Kirkmeyer talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the CO 2025–26 session
0%41%
Kirkmeyer
Peers
Economics and Public Finance117 statements
38%
12%
Taxation63 statements
20%
7%
Crime and Law Enforcement45 statements
14%
12%
Government Operations and Politics45 statements
14%
17%
Health43 statements
14%
9%
Show the data
| Row | Kirkmeyer | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Economics and Public Finance | 38% | 12% |
| Taxation | 20% | 7% |
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 14% | 12% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 14% | 17% |
| Health | 14% | 9% |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of Kirkmeyer’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 41%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Republicans averages.
Show the data
| Area | Talks about | State Senate Republicans, talks about | Legislates on | State Senate Republicans, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Economics and Public Finance | 38% | 12% | 26% | 3% |
| Taxation | 20% | 7% | 5% | 10% |
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 14% | 12% | 7% | 10% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 14% | 17% | 4% | 12% |
| Health | 14% | 9% | 14% | 11% |
0.75
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State Senate Republicans average 0.52. Ranks 1st of 226.
What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Kirkmeyer legislates on exactly the areas Kirkmeyer talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Kirkmeyer sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology
Kirkmeyer sits at +0.15 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more liberal than 80% of State Senate Republicans. Approximate range +0.12 to +0.17, which understates the uncertainty; from 558 donors and 879 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
+0.15
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +0.12 to +0.17. From 558 donors and 879 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Kirkmeyer, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Kirkmeyer’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Kirkmeyer sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
State Senate Republicans1,083 · median +0.4
Colorado Senate35 · median −0.7
All State Senate1,909 · median +0.1
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Kirkmeyer |
|---|---|---|---|
| State Senate Republicans | 1083 | +0.4 | 20% |
| Colorado Senate | 35 | −0.7 | 69% |
| All State Senate | 1909 | +0.1 | 54% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Kirkmeyer in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Kirkmeyer.
Money
Kirkmeyer reported $1,515 in the 2026 cycle, 3.3% of the State Senate Republicans’ median of $46.2K. State filings report no small-donation total. 0% of itemized individual money came from Colorado.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
$1,515
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 1 itemized donors. State Senate Republicans’ median $46.2K.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
- Individuals (itemized)1 squares$15
- PACs and other committees99 squares$1,500
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $15 | 1.0% |
| PACs and other committees | $1,500 | 99.0% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Receipts by cycle
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State Senate Republicans’ median for 2026.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $122.9K |
| 2022 cycle | $5,275 |
| 2024 cycle | $137.2K |
| 2026 cycle | $1,515 |
Top donor states, 2026
Itemized contributions by donor state. 0% came from Colorado.
- Texas$15
Small donations
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Texas | $15 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Florida | No data |
1
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
0%
from Colorado
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Colorado. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No occupations reported.
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
- DELOITTE POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE$450
- GLAXOSMITHKLINE LLC PAC (GSK PAC)$450
- LODGEPAC$450
- COLORADO ASSOCIATION OF NATUROPATHIC DOCTORS SMALL DONOR COMMITTEE (COANDSDC)$150
Top employers
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
Kirkmeyer voted with the majority of Colorado Senate Republicans on 86% of party-line votes and missed 1.1% of 1,666 roll calls. Colorado Senate on average: 94.2% party unity, 97.2% attendance. Across all roll calls, Kirkmeyer voted against the majority of Colorado Senate Republicans 80 times.
1,666 roll calls Kirkmeyer could vote on in the CO 2025–26 session, compared with Colorado Senate. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Kirkmeyer voted with the majority of Colorado Senate Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
80
votes against the majority of Colorado Senate Republicans
Party unity 86%, Colorado Senate average 94.2%, ranks 33rd of 35. 1,666 roll calls in the CO 2025–26 session.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Kirkmeyer, the thin grey bar the Colorado Senate average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
80%100%
Kirkmeyer
Peers
Rank
Attendance
98.8%
97.2%
17th of 35
Party unity
86%
94.2%
33rd of 35
Show the data
| Row | Kirkmeyer | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 98.8% | 97.2% |
| Party unity | 86% | 94.2% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the CO 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| May 13, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 23–0 · R 12–0Democrats 23 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 12 yea, 0 nay | became law | |
| May 13, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 23–0 · R 9–3Democrats 23 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 9 yea, 3 nay | became law · party crossover | |
| May 13, 2026 | Nay | With majority | pass | D 23–0 · R 0–12Democrats 23 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 0 yea, 12 nay | became law | |
| May 13, 2026 | Nay | With majority | pass | D 23–0 · R 0–12Democrats 23 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 0 yea, 12 nay | became law | |
| May 13, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 23–0 · R 12–0Democrats 23 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 12 yea, 0 nay | became law |
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Kirkmeyer most often
- Scott BrightR1,647 shared votes95%
- Paul LundeenR904 shared votes94%
- Lisa FrizellR1,508 shared votes93%
- Cleave SimpsonR1,629 shared votes93%
- Marc CatlinR1,592 shared votes93%
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Kirkmeyer least often
- Lynda Zamora WilsonR734 shared votes70%
- Faith WinterD889 shared votes71%
- Tom SullivanD1,607 shared votes71%
- Iman JodehD1,520 shared votes73%
- Katie WallaceD1,431 shared votes73%
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
CO 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Legislation
Kirkmeyer sponsored 215 bills in the CO 2025–26 session; 189 became law. Cosponsored 244 others. 99% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Colorado Senate average 94%; 7th of 35).
The bills Kirkmeyer sponsored and cosponsored in the CO 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the CO 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 215 | 213 | 202 | 198 | 189 |
| Cosponsored | 244 | 240 | 240 | 216 | 139 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Kirkmeyer sponsored, ochre blocks bills Kirkmeyer cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
99%
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Colorado Senate average 94%. Ranks 7th of 35.
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Kirkmeyer, by number of shared bills in the CO 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
- Judy Amabile210
- Jeff Bridges205
- Rick Taggart201
- Emily Sirota198
- Shannon Bird112
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Kirkmeyer’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| SJR 26 | Adjourn Sine Die | Cosponsor | May 12, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Introduced In House - Assigned to May 20, 2026 |
| SB 193 | Local Ordinances & State Employees | Sponsor | May 6, 2026 | Became law | Labor and Employment(model) | Governor Signed Jun 2, 2026 |
| SB 187 | Establishing Commission on Medicaid | Sponsor | May 1, 2026 | Became law | Health(model) | Governor Signed May 29, 2026 |
| SR 9 | Amyotrophic Lateral Sclerosis Awareness Month | Cosponsor | May 1, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Senate Third Reading Passed - No Amendments May 7, 2026 |
| SB 189 | Automated Decision-Making Technology | Cosponsor | May 1, 2026 | Became law | Science, Technology, Communications(model) | Governor Signed May 14, 2026 |
Online
A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Kirkmeyer’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Sep 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Kirkmeyer’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Kirkmeyer posts with a vision model.
Websites
- 1
pages crawled
1changes in 90 days
- 10
pages crawled
0changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
Images Kirkmeyer posted
No images from Kirkmeyer’s posts have been described.
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
State floor speeches
151 turns, Feb 6, 2023 to May 12, 2026
Floor speeches
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Kirkmeyer is most unusual among State Senate Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- 6d1fcaf0-ed3d-4772-876f-09dc5e931556
- Open States
- ocd-person/6d1fcaf0-ed3d-4772-876f-09dc5e931556
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
- Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
- Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab