Policy discussion
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 14, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Families · Source
21
votes against the majority of Wisconsin House Democrats
Party unity 87%, in the bottom 5% of the Wisconsin House (average 97.6%). 245 roll calls in the WI 2025–26 session.
Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Emerson voted with the majority of Wisconsin House Democrats; it is ranked within the Wisconsin House. The count covers every roll call where Emerson voted opposite that majority.
At a glance
6 measures against the Wisconsin House. Emerson missed 9.8% of 245 roll calls, attendance in the bottom tenth of the Wisconsin House (average 97.7%). Emerson reported $196.4K in the 2026 cycle, in the top quarter of State House Democrats (median $40.4K).
The measures on which Emerson sits furthest from the middle of the Wisconsin House, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Party unity
87%
Wisconsin House average 97.6% · ranks 94th of 98 · 21 votes against the majority of Wisconsin House Democrats
Attendance
90.2%
Wisconsin House average 97.7% · ranks 92nd of 98 · 245 roll calls
Itemized, 2026
$196.4K
State House Democrats’ median $40.4K · ranks 283rd of 2,082
Out of committee
11%
Wisconsin House average 45% · ranks 81st of 99
From Wisconsin, 2026
84%
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 1411th of 1,983 State House Democrats
CSIP ideology
−0.64
More liberal than 53% of State House Democrats · ± 0.03
Peer group: Wisconsin House. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Emerson, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Emerson is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Emerson says
Emerson claims credit less than 95% of State House Democrats. Credit claiming in 0% of 16 statements, against 14% for the average State House Democrat; 729th of 764.
An AI model reads each of Emerson’s 16 statements in the WI 2025–26 session (16 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Democrats and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the WI 2025–26 session
0%80%
Emerson
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion4 statements
25%
39%
588th of 764
Bipartisanship3 statements
19%
3%
4th of 764
Personal attacks0 statements
0%
3%
584th of 764
Policy criticism0 statements
0%
10%
717th of 764
Credit claiming0 statements
0%
14%
729th of 764
Show the data
| Row | Emerson | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 25% | 39% |
| Bipartisanship | 19% | 3% |
| Personal attacks | 0% | 3% |
| Policy criticism | 0% | 10% |
| Credit claiming | 0% | 14% |
16
statements classified
16 posts on X.
Show the data
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 16 |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is Emerson; the thin grey bar is the average State House Democrats. A longer thick bar means Emerson does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Emerson used no extreme labels in 16 statements. The peer average is 1.0%.
No extreme labels in this window.
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
No targets recorded.
What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the WI 2025–26 session
No month in this window has 10 or more statements, too few to chart month by month.
How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the WI 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 22 months are hatched here; 14 of them have no statements.
In Emerson’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Bipartisanship
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Feb 19, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · bipartisanship · Source
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
No statements in this category in this window.
All 16 statements
Newest first, the WI 2025–26 session
The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 16 posts on X.
Policy
Education is what Emerson talks about most: 50% of policy statements, 3.3 times the peer share. Peers give it 15%. Agreement with legislation needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Emerson talks about. The bills Emerson sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What Emerson talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the WI 2025–26 session
0%55%
Emerson
Peers
Education2 statements
50%
15%
Families1 statements
25%
5%
Health1 statements
25%
15%
Science, Technology, Communications1 statements
25%
3%
Agriculture and Food0 statements
0%
5%
Show the data
| Row | Emerson | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Education | 50% | 15% |
| Families | 25% | 5% |
| Health | 25% | 15% |
| Science, Technology, Communications | 25% | 3% |
| Agriculture and Food | 0% | 5% |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of Emerson’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 55%. Grey ticks are the State House Democrats averages.
Show the data
| Area | Talks about | State House Democrats, talks about | Legislates on | State House Democrats, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Education | 50% | 15% | 11% | 10% |
| Families | 25% | 5% | 5% | 3% |
| Health | 25% | 15% | 15% | 15% |
| Science, Technology, Communications | 25% | 3% | 3% | 1% |
| Agriculture and Food | 0% | 5% | 4% | 3% |
No agreement score.Needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills in the window.
What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Emerson legislates on exactly the areas Emerson talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Emerson sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology
Emerson sits at −0.64 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more liberal than 53% of State House Democrats. Approximate range −0.67 to −0.61, which understates the uncertainty; from 2,788 donors and 542 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
−0.64
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −0.67 to −0.61. From 2,788 donors and 542 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Emerson, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Emerson’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Emerson sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
State House Democrats2,392 · median −0.6
Wisconsin House99 · median +0.5
All State House5,324 · median +0.1
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Emerson |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Democrats | 2392 | −0.6 | 47% |
| Wisconsin House | 99 | +0.5 | 23% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 21% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Emerson in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Emerson.
Money
Emerson reported $196.4K in the 2026 cycle, 4.9 times the State House Democrats’ median of $40.4K. State filings report no small-donation total. 84% of itemized individual money came from Wisconsin.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
$196.4K
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 502 itemized donors. State House Democrats’ median $40.4K.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
- Individuals (itemized)47 squares$92.5K
- PACs and other committees12 squares$23.9K
- Party committees41 squares$80.1K
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $92.5K | 47.1% |
| PACs and other committees | $23.9K | 12.1% |
| Party committees | $80.1K | 40.8% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Receipts by cycle
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Democrats’ median for 2026.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $40.3K |
| 2022 cycle | $43.9K |
| 2024 cycle | $826.0K |
| 2026 cycle | $196.4K |
Top donor states, 2026
Itemized contributions by donor state. 84% came from Wisconsin.
- Wisconsin$77.7K
- California$6,406
- Minnesota$2,161
- New York$1,860
- Rhode Island$1,333
Small donations
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Wisconsin | $77.7K |
| California | $6,406 |
| Minnesota | $2,161 |
| New York | $1,860 |
| Rhode Island | $1,333 |
| Colorado | $820 |
| Massachusetts | $555 |
| Florida | $424 |
| Maine | $400 |
| Washington | $291 |
| Illinois | $127 |
| Maryland | $105 |
| District of Columbia | $105 |
| Tennessee | $100 |
| Indiana | $60 |
| New Jersey | $50 |
| Virginia | $11 |
| Idaho | $10 |
| Texas | $10 |
| Iowa | $6 |
| Oregon | $5 |
| Utah | $3 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
502
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
84%
from Wisconsin
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Wisconsin. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- NOT EMPLOYED$23.7K 53 donors
- RETIRED$5,917 18 donors
- NO EMPLOYER$4,000 4 donors
- ATTORNEY$3,444 9 donors
- PRESIDENT$2,500 3 donors
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
- ASSEMBLY DEMOCRATIC CAMP COMM$45.8K
- DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF WISCONSIN$23.0K
- EAU CLAIRE COUNTY DEMOCRATIC PARTY$11.3K
- WEAC PAC$2,000
- ALLIANT ENERGY WI GOV ACT CTE$1,000
Top employers
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
Emerson voted with the majority of Wisconsin House Democrats on 87% of party-line votes and missed 9.8% of 245 roll calls. Wisconsin House on average: 97.6% party unity, 97.7% attendance. Across all roll calls, Emerson voted against the majority of Wisconsin House Democrats 21 times.
245 roll calls Emerson could vote on in the WI 2025–26 session, compared with Wisconsin House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Emerson voted with the majority of Wisconsin House Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
21
votes against the majority of Wisconsin House Democrats
Party unity 87%, Wisconsin House average 97.6%, ranks 94th of 98. 245 roll calls in the WI 2025–26 session.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Emerson, the thin grey bar the Wisconsin House average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
80%100%
Emerson
Peers
Rank
Attendance
90.2%
97.7%
92nd of 98
Party unity
87%
97.6%
94th of 98
Show the data
| Row | Emerson | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 90.2% | 97.7% |
| Party unity | 87% | 97.6% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the WI 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| May 13, 2026 | AB 1 Relating to: an income tax subtraction for qualified tips and for qualified overtime compensation; state aid for school districts; surplus refund payments; increasing funding for special education and school age parents programs; state aid to technical colleges and the technical college district rev PASSAGE | Yea | Against majority | pass | D 10–32 · R 50–0Democrats 10 yea, 32 nay; Republicans 50 yea, 0 nay | party crossover · much discussed |
| Feb 19, 2026 | SB 181 Relating to: a levy limit exemption for regional emergency medical systems and eligibility for the expenditure restraint incentive program. (FE) CONCURRENCE | Yea | With majority | pass | D 40–0 · R 51–1Democrats 40 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 51 yea, 1 nay | became law |
| Feb 19, 2026 | AB 659 Relating to: tuition and fee remission or grants for certain veterans and their dependents enrolled in the University of Wisconsin System, a technical college, or a private nonprofit institution of higher education; and the University of Wisconsin System nonresident tuition exemption for certain vet PASSAGE | Did not vote | — | pass | D 40–2 · R 53–0Democrats 40 yea, 2 nay; Republicans 53 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| Feb 19, 2026 | AB 997 Relating to: funding for the Department of Financial Institutions for contributions to Trump accounts and making an appropriation. (FE) PASSAGE | Yea | Against majority | pass | D 9–34 · R 52–1Democrats 9 yea, 34 nay; Republicans 52 yea, 1 nay | party crossover |
| Feb 19, 2026 | SB 439 Relating to: levy increase limit for the village of Oregon and the towns of Oregon and Rutland. (FE) CONCURRENCE | Yea | With majority | pass | D 42–0 · R 53–0Democrats 42 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 53 yea, 0 nay | became law |
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Emerson most often
- Jill BillingsD221 shared votes95%
- Tara JohnsonD204 shared votes94%
- Ryan SpaudeD221 shared votes93%
- Steve DoyleD208 shared votes93%
- Lori PalmeriD220 shared votes93%
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Emerson least often
- Scott AllenR201 shared votes41%
- Brent JacobsonR216 shared votes43%
- Calvin CallahanR218 shared votes43%
- Jim PiwowarczykR219 shared votes43%
- Chuck WichgersR221 shared votes43%
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
WI 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Legislation
Emerson sponsored 278 bills in the WI 2025–26 session; 11 became law. Cosponsored 0 others. 11% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Wisconsin House average 45%; 81st of 99).
The bills Emerson sponsored and cosponsored in the WI 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the WI 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 278 | 278 | 25 | 11 | 11 |
| Cosponsored | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Emerson sponsored, ochre blocks bills Emerson cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
11%
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Wisconsin House average 45%. Ranks 81st of 99.
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Emerson, by number of shared bills in the WI 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
- Christine Sinicki122
- Vinnie Miresse101
- Alex Joers96
- Shelia Stubbs89
- Randy Udell88
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Emerson’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| AB 1232 | Relating to: a University of Wisconsin System nonresident tuition exemption. (FE) | Sponsor | Mar 19, 2026 | In committee | Education(model) | Fiscal estimate received Apr 17, 2026 |
| AB 1188 | Relating to: authorizing the creation of an emergency services district, authorizing an emergency services district to levy a property tax, and authorizing an emergency services district to impose special charges and issue debt. (FE) | Sponsor | Mar 19, 2026 | In committee | Emergency Management(model) | Fiscal estimate received May 7, 2026 |
| AB 1233 | Relating to: notifying a child welfare agency and a parent, guardian, and legal custodian of the presence of a child in a runaway home. | Sponsor | Mar 19, 2026 | In committee | Families(model) | Failed to pass pursuant to Senate Joint Resolution 1 Mar 23, 2026 |
| AB 1177 | Relating to: notice provided to electric utility customers with rate case information... | Sponsor | Mar 19, 2026 | In committee | Energy(model) | Failed to pass pursuant to Senate Joint Resolution 1 Mar 23, 2026 |
| AB 1192 | Relating to: penalties imposed on owners of mobile or manufactured home communities, grants for mobile homes and manufactured homes, and making an appropriation. (FE) | Sponsor | Mar 19, 2026 | In committee | Housing and Community Development(model) | Failed to pass pursuant to Senate Joint Resolution 1 Mar 23, 2026 |
Online
A site that has not changed in 90 days. Emerson’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Emerson’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Emerson posts with a vision model.
Websites
- 1
pages crawled
0changes in 90 days
- 4
pages crawled
1changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
Images Emerson posted
No images from Emerson’s posts have been described.
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
State floor speeches
No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.
Floor speeches
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Emerson is most unusual among Wisconsin House, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- 71d596fa-95f2-4411-9b7c-9e250380b701
- Open States
- ocd-person/71d596fa-95f2-4411-9b7c-9e250380b701
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
- Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
- Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab