Bipartisanship
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Apr 8, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; bipartisanship; Agriculture and Food; Environmental Protection · Source
100%
of State House Democrats score to the right of Jones on the CSIP scale
CSIP score −1.49 (approximate range −1.56 to −1.42, which understates the uncertainty); negative is left of the scale’s centre, positive right. From 38,074 donors and 511 roll calls.
CSIP places every official on one left–right scale estimated from roll-call votes, campaign donations and the text of statements; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of moderate. The share says where Jones sits among State House Democrats, not how far from the centre.
At a glance
6 measures against State House Democrats. Jones missed 9.8% of 4,352 roll calls, attendance in the bottom 5% of the Tennessee House (average 99.1%). 36% of Jones’s itemized money in the 2026 cycle came from Tennessee, in the bottom tenth of State House Democrats.
The measures on which Jones sits furthest from the middle of State House Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
CSIP ideology
−1.49
More liberal than 100% of State House Democrats · ± 0.07
Attendance
90.2%
Tennessee House average 99.1% · ranks 95th of 97 · 4,352 roll calls
From Tennessee, 2026
36%
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 1868th of 1,983 State House Democrats
Out of committee
50%
Tennessee House average 71% · ranks 83rd of 97
Party unity
98.9%
Tennessee House average 96.3% · ranks 24th of 97 · 69 votes against the majority of Tennessee House Democrats
Itemized, 2026
$86.2K
State House Democrats’ median $40.4K · ranks 611th of 2,082
Peer group: State House Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Jones, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Jones is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Jones says
Jones claims credit less than 95% of State House Democrats. Credit claiming in 0% of 9 statements, against 14% for the average State House Democrat; 729th of 765.
An AI model reads each of Jones’s 9 statements in the TN 2025–26 session (9 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Democrats and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the TN 2025–26 session
0%80%
Jones
Peers
Rank
Personal attacks3 statements
33%
3%
2nd of 765
Policy criticism2 statements
22%
10%
99th of 765
Policy discussion2 statements
22%
39%
610th of 765
Bipartisanship1 statements
11%
3%
21st of 765
Credit claiming0 statements
0%
14%
729th of 765
Show the data
| Row | Jones | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Personal attacks | 33% | 3% |
| Policy criticism | 22% | 10% |
| Policy discussion | 22% | 39% |
| Bipartisanship | 11% | 3% |
| Credit claiming | 0% | 14% |
9
statements classified
9 posts on X.
Show the data
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 9 |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is Jones; the thin grey bar is the average State House Democrats. A longer thick bar means Jones does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Jones used extreme labels in 11% of statements, 11.6 times the peer average. 1 statement; peers 1.0%.
- “fascist”1
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
No targets recorded.
What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the TN 2025–26 session
No month in this window has 10 or more statements, too few to chart month by month.
How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the TN 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 22 months are hatched here; 17 of them have no statements.
In Jones’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jul 12, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; target: Andy Ogles · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Apr 16, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; extreme label “fascist”; target: Trump · Source
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Andy OglesSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: AndySource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · extreme label “fascist” · target: TrumpSource
All 9 statements
Newest first, the TN 2025–26 session
The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 9 posts on X.
Policy
Agriculture and Food is what Jones talks about most: 50% of policy statements, 10.8 times the peer share. Peers give it 4.6%. Agreement with legislation needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Jones talks about. The bills Jones sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What Jones talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the TN 2025–26 session
0%55%
Jones
Peers
Agriculture and Food1 statements
50%
5%
Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues1 statements
50%
10%
Environmental Protection1 statements
50%
3%
Government Operations and Politics1 statements
50%
15%
Armed Forces and National Security0 statements
0%
3%
Show the data
| Row | Jones | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Agriculture and Food | 50% | 5% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 50% | 10% |
| Environmental Protection | 50% | 3% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 50% | 15% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 0% | 3% |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of Jones’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 55%. Grey ticks are the State House Democrats averages.
Show the data
| Area | Talks about | State House Democrats, talks about | Legislates on | State House Democrats, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Agriculture and Food | 50% | 5% | 24% | 3% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 50% | 10% | 10% | 4% |
| Environmental Protection | 50% | 3% | 19% | 4% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 50% | 15% | 5% | 8% |
| Commerce | 0% | 3% | 5% | 4% |
No agreement score.Needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills in the window.
What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Jones legislates on exactly the areas Jones talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Jones sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology
Jones sits at −1.49 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more liberal than 100% of State House Democrats. Approximate range −1.56 to −1.42, which understates the uncertainty; from 38,074 donors and 511 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
−1.49
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −1.56 to −1.42. From 38,074 donors and 511 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Jones, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Jones’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Jones sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
State House Democrats2,392 · median −0.6
Tennessee House97 · median +0.4
All State House5,324 · median +0.1
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Jones |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Democrats | 2392 | −0.6 | 0% |
| Tennessee House | 97 | +0.4 | 0% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 0% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Jones in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Jones.
Money
Jones reported $86.2K in the 2026 cycle, 2.1 times the State House Democrats’ median of $40.4K. State filings report no small-donation total. 36% of itemized individual money came from Tennessee.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
$86.2K
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 1,825 itemized donors. State House Democrats’ median $40.4K.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
- Individuals (itemized)98 squares$84.2K
- PACs and other committees2 squares$1,800
- Party committees$250
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $84.2K | 97.6% |
| PACs and other committees | $1,800 | 2.1% |
| Party committees | $250 | 0.3% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Receipts by cycle
Itemized contributions, 2022 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Democrats’ median for 2026.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2022 cycle | $57.9K |
| 2024 cycle | $1.3M |
| 2026 cycle | $86.2K |
Top donor states, 2026
Itemized contributions by donor state. 36% came from Tennessee.
- Tennessee$29.9K
- California$11.4K
- New York$4,263
- Texas$4,142
- Massachusetts$3,398
Small donations
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Tennessee | $29.9K |
| California | $11.4K |
| New York | $4,263 |
| Texas | $4,142 |
| Massachusetts | $3,398 |
| Washington | $2,689 |
| Oregon | $2,604 |
| Virginia | $2,040 |
| North Carolina | $1,862 |
| Florida | $1,806 |
| Illinois | $1,657 |
| Maryland | $1,605 |
| Colorado | $1,458 |
| Georgia | $1,358 |
| New Jersey | $1,346 |
| Michigan | $1,074 |
| Pennsylvania | $1,054 |
| Connecticut | $990 |
| South Carolina | $804 |
| Ohio | $795 |
| Rhode Island | $706 |
| Arkansas | $628 |
| Arizona | $569 |
| Maine | $518 |
| Mississippi | $459 |
| Alabama | $451 |
| New Mexico | $423 |
| Kansas | $394 |
| Minnesota | $367 |
| Nevada | $367 |
| Indiana | $356 |
| Delaware | $305 |
| Missouri | $267 |
| District of Columbia | $267 |
| New Hampshire | $209 |
| Wisconsin | $197 |
| Louisiana | $193 |
| Nebraska | $160 |
| Oklahoma | $146 |
| Kentucky | $135 |
| Hawaii | $135 |
| Iowa | $128 |
| Idaho | $110 |
| Utah | $102 |
| Vermont | $98 |
| Alaska | $80 |
| West Virginia | $77 |
| Montana | $30 |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
1,825
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
36%
from Tennessee
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Tennessee. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- NOT EMPLOYED$37.3K 897 donors
- ATTORNEY$2,081 23 donors
- RETIRED$1,767 30 donors
- TEACHER$955 30 donors
- LAWYER$866 11 donors
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
- GRABOWSKI, ANNA$1,800
- DAVIDSON COUNTY DEMOCRATIC WOMEN$250
Top employers
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- METRO NASHVILLE PUBLIC SCHOOLS$430 3 donors
- AMAZON$325 4 donors
- VUMC$255 4 donors
- UNIVERSITY OF TENNESSEE$200 3 donors
- FREELANCE$100 3 donors
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
Jones voted with the majority of Tennessee House Democrats on 98.9% of party-line votes and missed 9.8% of 4,352 roll calls. Tennessee House on average: 96.3% party unity, 99.1% attendance. Across all roll calls, Jones voted against the majority of Tennessee House Democrats 69 times.
4,352 roll calls Jones could vote on in the TN 2025–26 session, compared with Tennessee House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Jones voted with the majority of Tennessee House Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
69
votes against the majority of Tennessee House Democrats
Party unity 98.9%, Tennessee House average 96.3%, ranks 24th of 97. 4,352 roll calls in the TN 2025–26 session.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Jones, the thin grey bar the Tennessee House average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
80%100%
Jones
Peers
Rank
Attendance
90.2%
99.1%
95th of 97
Party unity
98.9%
96.3%
24th of 97
Show the data
| Row | Jones | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 90.2% | 99.1% |
| Party unity | 98.9% | 96.3% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the TN 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Apr 23, 2026 | HB 2111 Correctional Programs - As enacted, creates the state families of incarcerated individuals advisory board within the department of correction for the purposes of assisting the families of incarcerated individuals. - Amends TCA Title 4, Chapter 29 and Title 41. FLOOR VOTE: MESSAGE CALENDAR 2 CONCUR IN SENATE AMENDMENT # 4 4/23/2026 Passed | Yea | With majority | pass | D 19–0 · R 75–0Democrats 19 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 75 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| Apr 23, 2026 | SJR 1209 Memorials, Academic Achievement - Max Christopher Collins, Salutatorian, Creek Wood High School - FLOOR VOTE: CONSENT CALENDAR 4 PASSAGE ON THIRD CONSIDERATION 4/23/2026 Passed | Yea | With majority | pass | D 17–0 · R 70–0Democrats 17 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 70 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| Apr 23, 2026 | SJR 1240 Memorials, Interns - Aaron Sullivan - FLOOR VOTE: CONSENT CALENDAR 3 PASSAGE ON THIRD CONSIDERATION 4/23/2026 Passed | Yea | With majority | pass | D 18–0 · R 71–0Democrats 18 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 71 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| Apr 23, 2026 | SJR 1208 Memorials, Academic Achievement - Christopher Heath Foster, Valedictorian, Creek Wood High School - FLOOR VOTE: CONSENT CALENDAR 4 PASSAGE ON THIRD CONSIDERATION 4/23/2026 Passed | Yea | With majority | pass | D 17–0 · R 70–0Democrats 17 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 70 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| Apr 23, 2026 | SJR 1220 Memorials, Academic Achievement - Keely Nicole Melton, Valedictorian, McEwen High School - FLOOR VOTE: CONSENT CALENDAR 4 PASSAGE ON THIRD CONSIDERATION 4/23/2026 Passed | Yea | With majority | pass | D 17–0 · R 70–0Democrats 17 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 70 yea, 0 nay | became law |
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Jones most often
- Jack JohnsonR3,770 shared votes100%
- Gabby SalinasD3,475 shared votes99%
- Shaundelle BrooksD3,794 shared votes99%
- Aftyn BehnD3,730 shared votes99%
- Jason PowellD3,603 shared votes99%
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Jones least often
- Debra MoodyR3,409 shared votes80%
- Andrew FarmerR3,425 shared votes80%
- Kevin RaperR3,295 shared votes80%
- Michael LankfordR2,231 shared votes81%
- Johnny GarrettR2,968 shared votes81%
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
TN 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Legislation
Jones sponsored 50 bills in the TN 2025–26 session; 18 became law. Cosponsored 0 others. 50% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Tennessee House average 71%; 83rd of 97).
The bills Jones sponsored and cosponsored in the TN 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the TN 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 50 | 47 | 24 | 19 | 18 |
| Cosponsored | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Jones sponsored, ochre blocks bills Jones cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
50%
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Tennessee House average 71%. Ranks 83rd of 97.
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Jones, by number of shared bills in the TN 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
No cosponsorship ties in this window.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Jones’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| HJR 1536 | Memorials, Recognition - 150th anniversary of the Colored National Convention held at the Tennessee State Capitol - | Sponsor | Apr 20, 2026 | Became law | Unassigned | Signed by Governor. May 5, 2026 |
| HJR 1099 | Memorials, Recognition - Pam Weston - | Sponsor | Mar 11, 2026 | Became law | Unassigned | Signed by Governor. Mar 31, 2026 |
| HJR 1098 | Memorials, Death - Reverend Dr. Bernard Lafayette, Jr. - | Sponsor | Mar 11, 2026 | Became law | Unassigned | Signed by Governor. Mar 31, 2026 |
| HJR 1095 | Memorials, Recognition - Gift Horse, Jessica Maloan Vastagh - | Sponsor | Mar 11, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Objected to on Consent Calendar. Mar 16, 2026 |
| HJR 1075 | Memorials, Recognition - Nashville Humane Association, 80th anniversary - | Sponsor | Mar 5, 2026 | Became law | Unassigned | Signed by Governor. Mar 26, 2026 |
Online
A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Jones’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Jones’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Jones posts with a vision model.
Websites
Official site
wapp.capitol.tn.gov/apps/legislatorinfo/member.aspx?district=H52Last crawled Oct 1, 2026
1pages crawled
1changes in 90 days
- 16
pages crawled
1changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
Images Jones posted
No images from Jones’s posts have been described.
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
State floor speeches
No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.
Floor speeches
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Jones is most unusual among State House Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- 7d04ddd1-fbe5-452e-a649-1ca3aac0e0a3
- Open States
- ocd-person/7d04ddd1-fbe5-452e-a649-1ca3aac0e0a3
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
- Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
- Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab