Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Aug 27, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Education; Economics and Public Finance · Source
88%
of State Senate Republicans score to the right of Wiggins on the CSIP scale
CSIP score +0.05 (approximate range +0.03 to +0.07, which understates the uncertainty); negative is left of the scale’s centre, positive right. From 194 donors and 1,098 roll calls.
CSIP places every official on one left–right scale estimated from roll-call votes, campaign donations and the text of statements; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of moderate. The share says where Wiggins sits among State Senate Republicans, not how far from the centre.
At a glance
6 measures against State Senate Republicans. The policy areas Wiggins talks about and legislates on agree at 0.65 on a 0–1 scale, in the top quarter of State Senate Republicans. 25% of Wiggins’s statements claim credit, 1.6 times the State Senate Republican average of 15%.
The measures on which Wiggins sits furthest from the middle of State Senate Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
CSIP ideology
+0.05
More liberal than 88% of State Senate Republicans · ± 0.02
Talk-to-bills agreement
0.65
State Senate Republicans average 0.52 · ranks 29th of 226
Party unity
95.7%
Mississippi Senate average 88% · ranks 9th of 51 · 10 votes against the majority of Mississippi Senate Republicans
Credit claiming
25%
State Senate Republicans average 15% · ranks 68th of 354
Itemized, 2024
$68.3K
State Senate Republicans’ median $28.3K · ranks 24th of 112
Policy discussion
50%
State Senate Republicans average 37% · ranks 92nd of 354
Peer group: State Senate Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Wiggins, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Wiggins is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Wiggins says
Wiggins attacks opponents personally about as often as the median State Senate Republican. Personal attacks in 0.2% of 548 statements, against 2.3% for the average State Senate Republican; 185th of 354.
An AI model reads each of Wiggins’s 548 statements in the MS 2025–26 session (548 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State Senate Republicans and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the MS 2025–26 session
0%80%
Wiggins
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion274 statements
50%
37%
92nd of 354
Credit claiming139 statements
25%
15%
68th of 354
Policy criticism28 statements
5%
9%
203rd of 354
Bipartisanship16 statements
3%
2%
99th of 354
Personal attacks1 statements
0%
2%
185th of 354
Show the data
| Row | Wiggins | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 50% | 37% |
| Credit claiming | 25% | 15% |
| Policy criticism | 5% | 9% |
| Bipartisanship | 3% | 2% |
| Personal attacks | 0% | 2% |
548
statements classified
548 posts on X.
Show the data
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 548 |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is Wiggins; the thin grey bar is the average State Senate Republicans. A longer thick bar means Wiggins does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Wiggins used extreme labels in 0.4% of statements, 28% of the peer average. 2 statements, most often aimed at Conservative patriot; peers 1.3%.
- “MAGA”1
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
- Conservative patriot1
- Steve Bannon1
What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the MS 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 26 | 0.0% | 11.5% | 46.2% | 11.5% | 19.2% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’25 | 19 | 0.0% | 10.5% | 47.4% | 5.3% | 21.1% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’25 | 17 | 0.0% | 11.8% | 35.3% | 5.9% | 29.4% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’25 | 21 | 0.0% | 9.5% | 42.9% | 4.8% | 9.5% | 0.0% |
| May ’25 | 11 | 0.0% | 9.1% | 36.4% | 9.1% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’25 | 16 | 0.0% | 12.5% | 56.3% | 0.0% | 12.5% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’25 | 12 | 0.0% | 16.7% | 33.3% | 0.0% | 8.3% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’25 | 11 | 0.0% | 9.1% | 27.3% | 0.0% | 18.2% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’25 | 28 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 35.7% | 3.6% | 32.1% | 3.6% |
| Oct ’25 | 37 | 0.0% | 5.4% | 48.6% | 0.0% | 21.6% | 0.0% |
| Nov ’25 | 35 | 0.0% | 2.9% | 37.1% | 2.9% | 25.7% | 2.9% |
| Dec ’25 | 27 | 0.0% | 7.4% | 59.3% | 0.0% | 18.5% | 0.0% |
| Jan ’26 | 16 | 0.0% | 6.3% | 75.0% | 0.0% | 25.0% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’26 | 19 | 0.0% | 5.3% | 47.4% | 5.3% | 26.3% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’26 | 30 | 0.0% | 6.7% | 50.0% | 3.3% | 30.0% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’26 | 19 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 47.4% | 0.0% | 5.3% | 0.0% |
| May ’26 | 24 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 50.0% | 4.2% | 20.8% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’26 | 38 | 0.0% | 2.6% | 44.7% | 7.9% | 36.8% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’26 | 53 | 0.0% | 1.9% | 49.1% | 1.9% | 41.5% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’26 | 30 | 0.0% | 6.7% | 76.7% | 0.0% | 36.7% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’26 | 43 | 2.3% | 0.0% | 58.1% | 0.0% | 27.9% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’26 | 16 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 81.3% | 0.0% | 25.0% | 0.0% |
How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the MS 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%.
In Wiggins’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Sep 25, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; target: alli d · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Nov 14, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · extreme label “MAGA” aimed at Steve Bannon · Source
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: alli dSource
All 548 statements
Newest first, the MS 2025–26 session
The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 548 posts on X.
Policy
Education is what Wiggins talks about most: 17% of policy statements, above the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.65 on a 0–1 scale (State Senate Republicans average 0.52; 29th of 226).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Wiggins talks about. The bills Wiggins sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What Wiggins talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the MS 2025–26 session
0%35%
Wiggins
Peers
Education46 statements
17%
14%
Economics and Public Finance45 statements
16%
12%
Crime and Law Enforcement42 statements
15%
12%
Armed Forces and National Security37 statements
14%
6%
Government Operations and Politics32 statements
12%
17%
Show the data
| Row | Wiggins | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Education | 17% | 14% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 16% | 12% |
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 15% | 12% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 14% | 6% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 12% | 17% |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of Wiggins’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State Senate Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State Senate Republicans averages.
Show the data
| Area | Talks about | State Senate Republicans, talks about | Legislates on | State Senate Republicans, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Education | 17% | 14% | 9% | 10% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 16% | 12% | 8% | 3% |
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 15% | 12% | 18% | 10% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 14% | 6% | 0% | 2% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 12% | 17% | 7% | 12% |
0.65
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State Senate Republicans average 0.52. Ranks 29th of 226.
What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Wiggins legislates on exactly the areas Wiggins talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Wiggins sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology
Wiggins sits at +0.05 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more liberal than 88% of State Senate Republicans. Approximate range +0.03 to +0.07, which understates the uncertainty; from 194 donors and 1,098 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
+0.05
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +0.03 to +0.07. From 194 donors and 1,098 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Wiggins, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Wiggins’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Wiggins sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
State Senate Republicans1,083 · median +0.4
Mississippi Senate51 · median 0.0
All State Senate1,909 · median +0.1
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Wiggins |
|---|---|---|---|
| State Senate Republicans | 1083 | +0.4 | 12% |
| Mississippi Senate | 51 | 0.0 | 49% |
| All State Senate | 1909 | +0.1 | 49% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Wiggins in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Wiggins.
Money
Wiggins reported $68.3K in the 2024 cycle, 2.4 times the State Senate Republicans’ median of $28.3K. State filings report no small-donation total. 84% of itemized individual money came from Mississippi.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
$68.3K
itemized in the 2024 cycle
From 16 itemized donors. State Senate Republicans’ median $28.3K.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2024 cycle.
- Individuals (itemized)47 squares$31.9K
- PACs and other committees53 squares$36.4K
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $31.9K | 46.7% |
| PACs and other committees | $36.4K | 53.3% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Receipts by cycle
Itemized contributions, 2024 to 2024. The grey line is the State Senate Republicans’ median for 2024.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2024 cycle | $68.3K |
Top donor states, 2024
Itemized contributions by donor state. 84% came from Mississippi.
- Mississippi$26.9K
- Texas$2,500
- Alabama$500
Small donations
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Mississippi | $26.9K |
| Texas | $2,500 |
| Alabama | $500 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Florida | No data |
16
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
84%
from Mississippi
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Mississippi. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2024 cycle.
- RETIRED$3,600 3 donors
- ATTORNEY$3,250 3 donors
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2024 cycle.
- CENTENE CORPORATION POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE$6,000
- CAPITOL RESOURCES PAC$4,500
- BUILD MS PAC$2,500
- CAPITOL ADVOCACY GROUP, PAC$2,500
- MISSISSIPPI BANKERS ASSOCIATION$2,500
Top employers
Itemized, 2024 cycle.
- BUTLER SNOW$600 3 donors
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
Wiggins voted with the majority of Mississippi Senate Republicans on 95.7% of party-line votes and missed 0.9% of 2,121 roll calls. Mississippi Senate on average: 88% party unity, 97.1% attendance. Across all roll calls, Wiggins voted against the majority of Mississippi Senate Republicans 10 times.
2,121 roll calls Wiggins could vote on in the MS 2025–26 session, compared with Mississippi Senate. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Wiggins voted with the majority of Mississippi Senate Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
10
votes against the majority of Mississippi Senate Republicans
Party unity 95.7%, Mississippi Senate average 88%, ranks 9th of 51. 2,121 roll calls in the MS 2025–26 session.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Wiggins, the thin grey bar the Mississippi Senate average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
80%100%
Wiggins
Peers
Rank
Attendance
99.1%
97.1%
21st of 51
Party unity
95.7%
88%
9th of 51
Show the data
| Row | Wiggins | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 99.1% | 97.1% |
| Party unity | 95.7% | 88% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the MS 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jul 16, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 13–0 · R 25–0Democrats 13 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 25 yea, 0 nay | became law · much discussed | |
| Jul 16, 2026 | HB 1 Appropriation; Department of Human Services to establish and implement youth diversion program. Passage | Yea | With majority | pass | D 14–0 · R 25–0Democrats 14 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 25 yea, 0 nay | became law · much discussed |
| Jul 15, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 1–9 · R 24–1Democrats 1 yea, 9 nay; Republicans 24 yea, 1 nay | became law · party crossover | |
| Apr 2, 2026 | SB 2474 Rare Disease Task Force; establish within the Mississippi Rare Disease Advisory Council. Adopt Conference Report | Yea | With majority | pass | D 18–0 · R 34–0Democrats 18 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 34 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| Apr 2, 2026 | HB 1761 Alcoholic beverages; extend repealers relating to festival wine permits. Adopt Conference Report | Yea | With majority | pass | D 16–2 · R 32–2Democrats 16 yea, 2 nay; Republicans 32 yea, 2 nay | became law · party crossover |
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Wiggins most often
- Robin RobinsonR1,049 shared votes100%
- Josh HarkinsR1,884 shared votes100%
- Dean KirbyR2,101 shared votes100%
- Scott DeLanoR2,043 shared votes99%
- Lydia ChassaniolR2,047 shared votes99%
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Wiggins least often
- Kathy ChismR1,941 shared votes90%
- Derrick SimmonsD1,973 shared votes91%
- David JordanD980 shared votes91%
- Bradford BlackmonD2,096 shared votes91%
- Albert ButlerD1,885 shared votes91%
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
MS 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Legislation
Wiggins sponsored 85 bills in the MS 2025–26 session; 13 became law. Cosponsored 78 others. 39% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Mississippi Senate average 35%; 17th of 47).
The bills Wiggins sponsored and cosponsored in the MS 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the MS 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 85 | 85 | 33 | 17 | 13 |
| Cosponsored | 78 | 78 | 76 | 47 | 18 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Wiggins sponsored, ochre blocks bills Wiggins cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
39%
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Mississippi Senate average 35%. Ranks 17th of 47.
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Wiggins, by number of shared bills in the MS 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
- Briggs Hopson37
- Jeremy England34
- Dennis DeBar34
- Joey Fillingane23
- Mike Seymour21
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Wiggins’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| SB 2001 | The Mississippi Youth Court Reform Act of 2026; enact. | Sponsor | Jul 16, 2026 | Became law | Crime and Law Enforcement(model) | Approved by Governor Jul 17, 2026 |
| SR 123 | Commend Dr. Linda Nix as "Instructor of the Year" at the Jackson County Campus of MGCCC. | Cosponsor | Mar 30, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Adopted Mar 31, 2026 |
| SR 124 | Commend Dr. Gabriel Posadas as "Instructor of the Year" at the George County Center of MGCCC. | Cosponsor | Mar 30, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Adopted Mar 31, 2026 |
| SR 122 | Commend Vic A. Gauthreaux, Jr., as "Instructor of the Year" for MGCCC Harrison County Campus. | Cosponsor | Mar 30, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Adopted Mar 31, 2026 |
| SR 125 | Commend Patrick Wilcher as "Instructor of the Year" at the Perkinston Campus of MGCCC. | Cosponsor | Mar 30, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Adopted Mar 31, 2026 |
Online
A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Wiggins’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Wiggins’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Wiggins posts with a vision model.
Websites
- 1
pages crawled
1changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
Images Wiggins posted
No images from Wiggins’s posts have been described.
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
State floor speeches
No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.
Floor speeches
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Wiggins is most unusual among State Senate Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- 7e27e9e0-fe62-4fc0-b8b0-c2ac9c9ce28d
- Open States
- ocd-person/7e27e9e0-fe62-4fc0-b8b0-c2ac9c9ce28d
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
- Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
- Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab