Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 30, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; target: Allen · Source

50% of the itemized money from individuals in the 2026 cycle came from donors with an address in Missouri. Ranks 1824th of 1,983, where 1st is the highest share. 4 itemized donors.
Only donors who give more than $200 are reported with an address, so this is the share of that itemized money from donors living in Missouri, ranked among State House Democrats. Small gifts are not counted either way. Candidates running statewide or for federal office often draw more money from out of state.
4 measures against State House Democrats. Johnson sits at −0.47 on the CSIP scale, more conservative than 71% of State House Democrats. Johnson reported $14.2K in the 2026 cycle, in the bottom half of State House Democrats (median $40.4K).
The measures on which Johnson sits furthest from the middle of State House Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
From Missouri, 2026
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 1824th of 1,983 State House Democrats
CSIP ideology
More conservative than 71% of State House Democrats · ± 0.14
Itemized, 2026
State House Democrats’ median $40.4K · ranks 1498th of 2,082
Out of committee
Missouri House average 32% · ranks 102nd of 150
Statements
12 posts on X
Bills sponsored
and 12 cosponsored
Peer group: State House Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Johnson, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Johnson is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Johnson claims credit less than 95% of State House Democrats. Credit claiming in 0% of 12 statements, against 14% for the average State House Democrat; 729th of 764.
An AI model reads each of Johnson’s 12 statements in the MO 2025–26 session (12 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Democrats and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the MO 2025–26 session
| Row | Johnson | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Personal attacks | 8% | 3% |
| Policy discussion | 8% | 39% |
| Policy criticism | 0% | 10% |
| Bipartisanship | 0% | 3% |
| Credit claiming | 0% | 14% |
statements classified
12 posts on X.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 12 |
The thick bar is Johnson; the thin grey bar is the average State House Democrats. A longer thick bar means Johnson does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Johnson used extreme labels in 8.3% of statements, 8.7 times the peer average. 1 statement, most often aimed at Trump; peers 1.0%.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the MO 2025–26 session
No month in this window has 10 or more statements, too few to chart month by month.
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the MO 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 22 months are hatched here; 17 of them have no statements.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 30, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; target: Allen · Source
Policy discussion
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Aug 30, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Agriculture and Food · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Aug 31, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · extreme label “extreme” aimed at Trump · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: AllenSource
Newest first, the MO 2025–26 session
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 12 posts on X.
Agriculture and Food is what Johnson talks about most: 100% of policy statements, 21.7 times the peer share. Peers give it 4.6%. Agreement with legislation needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Johnson talks about. The bills Johnson sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
Share of policy statements by area, the MO 2025–26 session
| Row | Johnson | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Agriculture and Food | 100% | 5% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 0% | 3% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 0% | 10% |
| Commerce | 0% | 3% |
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 0% | 8% |
The thick bar is the share of Johnson’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 100%. Grey ticks are the State House Democrats averages.
| Area | Talks about | State House Democrats, talks about | Legislates on | State House Democrats, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Agriculture and Food | 100% | 5% | 0% | 3% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 0% | 3% | 1% | 1% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 0% | 10% | 4% | 4% |
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 0% | 8% | 41% | 9% |
| Education | 0% | 15% | 4% | 10% |
No agreement score.Needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills in the window.
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Johnson legislates on exactly the areas Johnson talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Johnson sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Johnson sits at −0.47 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more conservative than 71% of State House Democrats. Approximate range −0.61 to −0.34, which understates the uncertainty; from 49 donors and no roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −0.61 to −0.34. From 49 donors and no roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Johnson, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Johnson’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Johnson |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Democrats | 2392 | −0.6 | 71% |
| Missouri House | 149 | +0.4 | 26% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 32% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Johnson in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Johnson.
Johnson reported $14.2K in the 2026 cycle, 35% of the State House Democrats’ median of $40.4K. State filings report no small-donation total. 50% of itemized individual money came from Missouri.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 4 itemized donors. State House Democrats’ median $40.4K.
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $650 | 4.6% |
| PACs and other committees | $13.5K | 95.4% |
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Democrats’ median for 2026.
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $10.5K |
| 2022 cycle | $13.6K |
| 2024 cycle | $25.7K |
| 2026 cycle | $14.2K |
Itemized contributions by donor state. 50% came from Missouri.
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Missouri | $325 |
| Ohio | $300 |
| Texas | $25 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Florida | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from Missouri
Of itemized individual dollars
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Missouri. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No occupations reported.
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
No roll-call votes for the MO 2025–26 session.No roll-call votes are recorded for this official in this time window.
Johnson sponsored 25 bills in the MO 2025–26 session; none became law. Cosponsored 12 others. 16% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Missouri House average 32%; 102nd of 150).
The bills Johnson sponsored and cosponsored in the MO 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the MO 2025–26 session
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 25 | 25 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| Cosponsored | 12 | 12 | 2 | 1 | 1 |
Ink blocks are bills Johnson sponsored, ochre blocks bills Johnson cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Missouri House average 32%. Ranks 102nd of 150.
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Johnson, by number of shared bills in the MO 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Johnson’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| HJR 115 | Proposes a constitutional amendment authorizing a disabled veteran homestead exemption | Cosponsor | Apr 20, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Taxation(model) | Second read and referred: Select Committee on Property Taxes and the State Tax Commission(S) Apr 21, 2026 |
| HB 3543 | Authorizes counties to adopt a real property homestead tax exemption for certain disabled veterans | Sponsor | Feb 27, 2026 | In committee | Taxation(model) | Referred: Emerging Issues(H) May 15, 2026 |
| HB 3542 | Establishes the "Community Safety and Law Enforcement Integrity Act" | Sponsor | Feb 27, 2026 | In committee | Crime and Law Enforcement(model) | Referred: Emerging Issues(H) May 15, 2026 |
| HB 3265 | Eliminates fines and fees for cases in juvenile court | Sponsor | Feb 10, 2026 | In committee | Crime and Law Enforcement(model) | Referred: Emerging Issues(H) May 15, 2026 |
| HB 3264 | Designates the city of Kansas City as the "Barbecue Capital" of the state of Missouri | Sponsor | Feb 10, 2026 | In committee | Unassigned | Reported Do Pass (H) - AYES: 10 NOES: 0 PRESENT: 0 Mar 12, 2026 |
A site that has not changed in 90 days. Johnson’s official site had 0 pages when last crawled.
The lab crawls Johnson’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Johnson posts with a vision model.
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
No images from Johnson’s posts have been described.
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
3 turns, Mar 20, 2023 to Apr 5, 2023
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which Johnson is most unusual among State House Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab