Policy discussion
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Apr 16, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; bipartisanship; Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues · Source
90%
of State House Democrats score to the right of Coffia on the CSIP scale
CSIP score −0.99 (approximate range −1.02 to −0.96, which understates the uncertainty); negative is left of the scale’s centre, positive right. From 7,190 donors and 530 roll calls.
CSIP places every official on one left–right scale estimated from roll-call votes, campaign donations and the text of statements; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of moderate. The share says where Coffia sits among State House Democrats, not how far from the centre.
At a glance
6 measures against State House Democrats. The policy areas Coffia talks about and legislates on agree at 0.39 on a 0–1 scale, in the bottom quarter of State House Democrats. Coffia voted against the majority of Michigan House Democrats 60 times; party unity 88%, in the bottom quarter of the Michigan House (average 93.2%).
The measures on which Coffia sits furthest from the middle of State House Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
CSIP ideology
−0.99
More liberal than 90% of State House Democrats · ± 0.03
Talk-to-bills agreement
0.39
State House Democrats average 0.54 · ranks 449th of 503
Party unity
88%
Michigan House average 93.2% · ranks 92nd of 110 · 60 votes against the majority of Michigan House Democrats
Itemized, 2026
$99.7K
State House Democrats’ median $40.4K · ranks 534th of 2,082
Out of committee
18%
Michigan House average 32% · ranks 78th of 107
From Michigan, 2026
93%
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 999th of 1,983 State House Democrats
Peer group: State House Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Coffia, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Coffia is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Coffia says
Coffia attacks opponents personally more than 96% of State House Democrats. Personal attacks in 14% of 175 statements, against 2.5% for the average State House Democrat; 27th of 764.
An AI model reads each of Coffia’s 175 statements in the MI 2025–26 session (175 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Democrats and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the MI 2025–26 session
0%80%
Coffia
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion32 statements
18%
39%
648th of 764
Personal attacks24 statements
14%
3%
27th of 764
Policy criticism17 statements
10%
10%
321st of 764
Credit claiming12 statements
7%
14%
515th of 764
Bipartisanship5 statements
3%
3%
273rd of 764
Show the data
| Row | Coffia | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 18% | 39% |
| Personal attacks | 14% | 3% |
| Policy criticism | 10% | 10% |
| Credit claiming | 7% | 14% |
| Bipartisanship | 3% | 3% |
175
statements classified
175 posts on X.
Show the data
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 175 |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is Coffia; the thin grey bar is the average State House Democrats. A longer thick bar means Coffia does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Coffia used extreme labels in 4.6% of statements, 4.8 times the peer average. 8 statements; peers 1.0%.
- “fascist”3
- “MAGA”2
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
No targets recorded.
What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the MI 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 37 | 5.4% | 13.5% | 24.3% | 0.0% | 16.2% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’25 | 66 | 18.2% | 16.7% | 30.3% | 6.1% | 7.6% | 3.0% |
| Mar ’25 | 24 | 25.0% | 0.0% | 4.2% | 0.0% | 4.2% | 4.2% |
| Apr ’25 | 48 | 8.3% | 2.1% | 4.2% | 2.1% | 0.0% | 10.4% |
| May ’25 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jun ’25 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jul ’25 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’25 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’25 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Oct ’25 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Nov ’25 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Dec ’25 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jan ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Feb ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Mar ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Apr ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| May ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jun ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jul ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Oct ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the MI 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 18 months are hatched here; none has any statements.
In Coffia’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Apr 8, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; target: billionaire · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Apr 11, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · extreme label “MAGA” · Source
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: billionaireSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Elon MuskSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: TrumpSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: SenSchumerSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: JD VanceSource
All 175 statements
Newest first, the MI 2025–26 session
The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 175 posts on X.
Policy
Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues is what Coffia talks about most: 34% of policy statements, 3.5 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.39 on a 0–1 scale (State House Democrats average 0.54; 449th of 503).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Coffia talks about. The bills Coffia sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What Coffia talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the MI 2025–26 session
0%38%
Coffia
Peers
Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues11 statements
34%
10%
Government Operations and Politics9 statements
28%
15%
Health6 statements
19%
15%
Armed Forces and National Security5 statements
16%
3%
Families5 statements
16%
5%
Show the data
| Row | Coffia | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 34% | 10% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 28% | 15% |
| Health | 19% | 15% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 16% | 3% |
| Families | 16% | 5% |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of Coffia’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 38%. Grey ticks are the State House Democrats averages.
Show the data
| Area | Talks about | State House Democrats, talks about | Legislates on | State House Democrats, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 34% | 10% | 12% | 4% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 28% | 15% | 18% | 8% |
| Health | 19% | 15% | 14% | 15% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 16% | 3% | 1% | 1% |
| Families | 16% | 5% | 2% | 3% |
0.39
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State House Democrats average 0.54. Ranks 449th of 503.
What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Coffia legislates on exactly the areas Coffia talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Coffia sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology
Coffia sits at −0.99 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more liberal than 90% of State House Democrats. Approximate range −1.02 to −0.96, which understates the uncertainty; from 7,190 donors and 530 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
−0.99
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −1.02 to −0.96. From 7,190 donors and 530 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Coffia, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Coffia’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Coffia sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
State House Democrats2,392 · median −0.6
Michigan House110 · median +0.4
All State House5,324 · median +0.1
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Coffia |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Democrats | 2392 | −0.6 | 10% |
| Michigan House | 110 | +0.4 | 12% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 5% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Coffia in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Coffia.
Money
Coffia reported $99.7K in the 2026 cycle, 2.5 times the State House Democrats’ median of $40.4K. State filings report no small-donation total. 93% of itemized individual money came from Michigan.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
$99.7K
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 517 itemized donors. State House Democrats’ median $40.4K.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
- Individuals (itemized)63 squares$62.7K
- PACs and other committees31 squares$30.8K
- Party committees6 squares$6,250
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $62.7K | 62.9% |
| PACs and other committees | $30.8K | 30.8% |
| Party committees | $6,250 | 6.3% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Receipts by cycle
Itemized contributions, 2022 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Democrats’ median for 2026.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2022 cycle | $787.0K |
| 2024 cycle | $1.1M |
| 2026 cycle | $99.7K |
Top donor states, 2026
Itemized contributions by donor state. 93% came from Michigan.
- Michigan$58.3K
- California$1,615
- Massachusetts$515
- Maryland$386
- New York$382
Small donations
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Michigan | $58.3K |
| California | $1,615 |
| Massachusetts | $515 |
| Maryland | $386 |
| New York | $382 |
| Illinois | $324 |
| Oregon | $171 |
| Washington | $164 |
| District of Columbia | $143 |
| Georgia | $126 |
| Arizona | $91 |
| Pennsylvania | $59 |
| New Jersey | $47 |
| Minnesota | $47 |
| North Carolina | $34 |
| Texas | $32 |
| Hawaii | $29 |
| Colorado | $29 |
| New Mexico | $24 |
| Tennessee | $21 |
| Ohio | $17 |
| Rhode Island | $16 |
| Kentucky | $15 |
| Virginia | $15 |
| Wisconsin | $15 |
| Maine | $14 |
| New Hampshire | $14 |
| Alabama | $14 |
| Delaware | $12 |
| Connecticut | $12 |
| Florida | $9 |
| Vermont | $5 |
| Louisiana | $4 |
| Indiana | $3 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
517
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
93%
from Michigan
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Michigan. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- NOT EMPLOYED$27.8K 200 donors
- RETIRED$16.8K 140 donors
- SELF EMPLOYED$16 3 donors
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
- INTERNATIONAL BROTHERHOOD OF ELECTRICAL WORKERS POLITICAL ACTION CMTE$10.0K
- AMERICAN FEDERATION OF STATE COUNTY AND MUNICIPAL EMPLOYEES PEOPLE$7,500
- EMILYS LIST MICHIGAN$6,000
- LEELANAU COUNTY DEMOCRATIC COMMITTEE$5,000
- MICHIGAN LEAGUE OF CONSERVATION VOTERS INC POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE$3,500
Top employers
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
Coffia voted with the majority of Michigan House Democrats on 88% of party-line votes and missed none of 588 roll calls. Michigan House on average: 93.2% party unity, 99.9% attendance. Across all roll calls, Coffia voted against the majority of Michigan House Democrats 60 times.
588 roll calls Coffia could vote on in the MI 2025–26 session, compared with Michigan House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Coffia voted with the majority of Michigan House Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
60
votes against the majority of Michigan House Democrats
Party unity 88%, Michigan House average 93.2%, ranks 92nd of 110. 588 roll calls in the MI 2025–26 session.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Coffia, the thin grey bar the Michigan House average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
80%100%
Coffia
Peers
Rank
Attendance
100%
99.9%
55th of 110
Party unity
88%
93.2%
92nd of 110
Show the data
| Row | Coffia | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 100% | 99.9% |
| Party unity | 88% | 93.2% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the MI 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sep 23, 2026 | HB 6302 Education: school districts; requirement to display an American flag in classrooms; provide for. Amends sec. 1347 of 1976 PA 451 (MCL 380.1347). passed; given immediate effect Roll Call #374 Yeas 76 Nays 27 Excused 0 Not Voting 7 | Nay | With majority | pass | D 20–26 · R 56–1Democrats 20 yea, 26 nay; Republicans 56 yea, 1 nay | party crossover |
| Sep 23, 2026 | HB 6259 Criminal procedure: sentencing guidelines; sentencing guidelines for criminal sexual conduct; modify. Amends sec. 16y, ch. XVII of 1927 PA 175 (MCL 777.16y). TIE BAR WITH: HB 6261'26, HB 6262'26 passed; given immediate effect Roll Call #375 Yeas 77 Nays 26 Excused 0 Not Voting 7 | Yea | Against majority | pass | D 21–25 · R 56–1Democrats 21 yea, 25 nay; Republicans 56 yea, 1 nay | party crossover |
| Sep 23, 2026 | HB 6260 Crimes: criminal sexual conduct; penalties for criminal sexual conduct in the first degree; modify. Amends sec. 520b of 1931 PA 328 (MCL 750.520b). passed; given immediate effect Roll Call #376 Yeas 79 Nays 24 Excused 0 Not Voting 7 | Yea | — | pass | D 23–23 · R 56–1Democrats 23 yea, 23 nay; Republicans 56 yea, 1 nay | party crossover |
| Sep 23, 2026 | HB 6282 Public employees and officers: ethics; moratorium on former legislators accepting employment with an entity that receives a grant from the utility consumer participation board; provide for. Creates new act. passed; given immediate effect Roll Call #373 Yeas 88 Nays 15 Excused 0 Not Voting 7 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 32–14 · R 56–1Democrats 32 yea, 14 nay; Republicans 56 yea, 1 nay | party crossover |
| Sep 23, 2026 | HB 6262 Crimes: criminal sexual conduct; penalties for criminal sexual conduct in the third degree; modify. Amends sec. 520d of 1931 PA 328 (MCL 750.520d). passed; given immediate effect Roll Call #378 Yeas 77 Nays 26 Excused 0 Not Voting 7 | Yea | Against majority | pass | D 21–25 · R 56–1Democrats 21 yea, 25 nay; Republicans 56 yea, 1 nay | party crossover |
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Coffia most often
- Erin ByrnesD572 shared votes93%
- Sharon MacDonellD585 shared votes92%
- Matt LongjohnD572 shared votes92%
- Carol GlanvilleD549 shared votes92%
- Reggie MillerD546 shared votes91%
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Coffia least often
- Steve CarraR588 shared votes43%
- Jaime GreeneR541 shared votes55%
- Jim DeSanaR559 shared votes56%
- Matt MaddockR586 shared votes59%
- Donni SteeleR588 shared votes61%
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
MI 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Legislation
Coffia sponsored 17 bills in the MI 2025–26 session; none became law. Cosponsored 215 others. 18% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Michigan House average 32%; 78th of 107).
The bills Coffia sponsored and cosponsored in the MI 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the MI 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 17 | 17 | 3 | 0 | 0 |
| Cosponsored | 215 | 215 | 25 | 2 | 2 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Coffia sponsored, ochre blocks bills Coffia cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
18%
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Michigan House average 32%. Ranks 78th of 107.
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Coffia, by number of shared bills in the MI 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
- Carrie Rheingans96
- Sharon MacDonell79
- Natalie Price75
- Erin Byrnes70
- Matt Longjohn67
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Coffia’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| HR 365 | A resolution to declare October 16, 2026, as Mammography Day in the state of Michigan. | Cosponsor | Sep 23, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | adopted Sep 23, 2026 |
| HR 352 | A resolution to declare September 21-27, 2026, as National Health Center Week in the state of Michigan. | Cosponsor | Sep 22, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | adopted Sep 22, 2026 |
| HB 6292 | Health occupations: physicians; Michigan doctors in underserved, rural, and systemic equity settings (MIDOCS) program; establish. Amends 1978 PA 368 (MCL 333.1101 - 333.25211) by adding pt. 27B. | Cosponsor | Aug 27, 2026 | In committee | Health(model) | bill electronically reproduced 08/27/2026 Sep 1, 2026 |
| HB 6318 | Elections: voters; denying the right to vote on the basis of sex; prohibit. Amends 1954 PA 116 (MCL 168.1 - 168.992) by adding sec. 492c. | Cosponsor | Aug 27, 2026 | In committee | Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues(model) | bill electronically reproduced 08/27/2026 Sep 1, 2026 |
| HB 6295 | Health: other; grant program for promoting health professions in primary care to students in this state; establish. Amends 1978 PA 368 (MCL 333.1101 - 333.25211) by adding pt. 27C. | Cosponsor | Aug 27, 2026 | In committee | Health(model) | bill electronically reproduced 08/27/2026 Sep 1, 2026 |
Online
A site that has not changed in 90 days. Coffia’s official site had 0 pages when last crawled.
The lab crawls Coffia’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Coffia posts with a vision model.
Websites
- 0
pages crawled
0changes in 90 days
- 16
pages crawled
18changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
Images Coffia posted
No images from Coffia’s posts have been described.
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
State floor speeches
No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.
Floor speeches
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Coffia is most unusual among State House Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- 80ccf9a5-7303-4218-be3e-0ab6f8e90eee
- Open States
- ocd-person/80ccf9a5-7303-4218-be3e-0ab6f8e90eee
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
- Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
- Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab