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Republican · Alabama House, district 31

Serving since Nov 9, 2022AL 2025–26 session

Portrait of Troy Stubbs, rendered as a two-tone print
Official portrait
0.19
agreement between talk and bills (0 to 1), in the bottom 5% of State House Republicans

Agreement 0.19 on a 0–1 scale; the average for State House Republicans is 0.53. Ranks 502nd of 504, where 1st is the closest match.

How closely the mix of policy areas in Stubbs’s statements matches the mix in the bills Stubbs sponsors and cosponsors: 1 means the same areas in the same proportions, 0 means no overlap. Ranked among State House Republicans.

At a glance

6 measures against State House Republicans. 0% of Stubbs’s statements claim credit, in the bottom 5% of State House Republicans (average 13%). 0% of Stubbs’s statements criticize a policy, in the bottom tenth of State House Republicans (average 9.3%).

The measures on which Stubbs sits furthest from the middle of State House Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.

Talk-to-bills agreement

0.19

State House Republicans average 0.53 · ranks 502nd of 504

Credit claiming

0%

State House Republicans average 13% · ranks 764th of 791

Policy criticism

0%

State House Republicans average 9.3% · ranks 735th of 791

Bipartisanship

0%

State House Republicans average 1.8% · ranks 677th of 791

From Alabama, 2026

100%

Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 392nd of 2,335 State House Republicans

CSIP ideology

+0.37

Right of 0, the centre of the scale · ± 0.06

Peer group: State House Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Stubbs, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Stubbs is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).

Back to topNext: What politicians say

What Stubbs says

Stubbs claims credit less than 96% of State House Republicans. Credit claiming in 0% of 205 statements, against 13% for the average State House Republican; 764th of 791.

An AI model reads each of Stubbs’s 205 statements in the AL 2025–26 session (205 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Republicans and ranked among them.

Kinds of statement

Share of statements carrying each label, the AL 2025–26 session

0%80%
Stubbs
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion39 statements
19%
32%
584th of 791
Personal attacks0 statements
0%
3%
642nd of 791
Policy criticism0 statements
0%
9%
735th of 791
Bipartisanship0 statements
0%
2%
677th of 791
Credit claiming0 statements
0%
13%
764th of 791
Show the data
Stubbs's share of statements in each category against the State House Republicans average.
RowStubbsPeers
Policy discussion19%32%
Personal attacks0%3%
Policy criticism0%9%
Bipartisanship0%2%
Credit claiming0%13%
205

statements classified

205 posts on X.

posts on X: 205 (100.0%)posts on X 205
Show the data
Stubbs's statements by source
PartValue
posts on X205
How to read the bars

The thick bar is Stubbs; the thin grey bar is the average State House Republicans. A longer thick bar means Stubbs does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.

Extreme labels

Stubbs used no extreme labels in 205 statements. The peer average is 1.4%.

No extreme labels in this window.

Who gets the labels

Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements

No targets recorded.

What an extreme label is

Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.

Month by month

Share of statements per month, the AL 2025–26 session

Statements2025-01: 142025-02: 122025-03: 142025-04: 172025-05: 122025-06: 112025-07: 122025-08: 92025-09: 102025-10: 112025-11: 82025-12: 122026-01: 102026-02: 112026-03: 92026-04: 112026-05: 92026-06: 92026-07: 12026-08: 22026-09: 12026-10: 0peak 17 · Apr ’25Personal attackspeak 0.0% · Jan ’25 · latest 0.0%Personal attacks, 2025-01: 0.0% of 14Personal attacks, 2025-02: 0.0% of 12Personal attacks, 2025-03: 0.0% of 14Personal attacks, 2025-04: 0.0% of 17Personal attacks, 2025-05: 0.0% of 12Personal attacks, 2025-06: 0.0% of 11Personal attacks, 2025-07: 0.0% of 12Personal attacks, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-09: 0.0% of 10Personal attacks, 2025-10: 0.0% of 11Personal attacks, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-12: 0.0% of 12Personal attacks, 2026-01: 0.0% of 10Personal attacks, 2026-02: 0.0% of 11Personal attacks, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-04: 0.0% of 11Personal attacks, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticismpeak 0.0% · Jan ’25 · latest 0.0%Policy criticism, 2025-01: 0.0% of 14Policy criticism, 2025-02: 0.0% of 12Policy criticism, 2025-03: 0.0% of 14Policy criticism, 2025-04: 0.0% of 17Policy criticism, 2025-05: 0.0% of 12Policy criticism, 2025-06: 0.0% of 11Policy criticism, 2025-07: 0.0% of 12Policy criticism, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-09: 0.0% of 10Policy criticism, 2025-10: 0.0% of 11Policy criticism, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-12: 0.0% of 12Policy criticism, 2026-01: 0.0% of 10Policy criticism, 2026-02: 0.0% of 11Policy criticism, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-04: 0.0% of 11Policy criticism, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussionpeak 33.3% · May ’25 · latest 18.2%Policy discussion, 2025-01: 21.4% of 14Policy discussion, 2025-02: 8.3% of 12Policy discussion, 2025-03: 14.3% of 14Policy discussion, 2025-04: 29.4% of 17Policy discussion, 2025-05: 33.3% of 12Policy discussion, 2025-06: 9.1% of 11Policy discussion, 2025-07: 16.7% of 12Policy discussion, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-09: 30.0% of 10Policy discussion, 2025-10: 27.3% of 11Policy discussion, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-12: 25.0% of 12Policy discussion, 2026-01: 20.0% of 10Policy discussion, 2026-02: 0.0% of 11Policy discussion, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-04: 18.2% of 11Policy discussion, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanshippeak 0.0% · Jan ’25 · latest 0.0%Bipartisanship, 2025-01: 0.0% of 14Bipartisanship, 2025-02: 0.0% of 12Bipartisanship, 2025-03: 0.0% of 14Bipartisanship, 2025-04: 0.0% of 17Bipartisanship, 2025-05: 0.0% of 12Bipartisanship, 2025-06: 0.0% of 11Bipartisanship, 2025-07: 0.0% of 12Bipartisanship, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-09: 0.0% of 10Bipartisanship, 2025-10: 0.0% of 11Bipartisanship, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-12: 0.0% of 12Bipartisanship, 2026-01: 0.0% of 10Bipartisanship, 2026-02: 0.0% of 11Bipartisanship, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-04: 0.0% of 11Bipartisanship, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claimingpeak 0.0% · Jan ’25 · latest 0.0%Credit claiming, 2025-01: 0.0% of 14Credit claiming, 2025-02: 0.0% of 12Credit claiming, 2025-03: 0.0% of 14Credit claiming, 2025-04: 0.0% of 17Credit claiming, 2025-05: 0.0% of 12Credit claiming, 2025-06: 0.0% of 11Credit claiming, 2025-07: 0.0% of 12Credit claiming, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-09: 0.0% of 10Credit claiming, 2025-10: 0.0% of 11Credit claiming, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-12: 0.0% of 12Credit claiming, 2026-01: 0.0% of 10Credit claiming, 2026-02: 0.0% of 11Credit claiming, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-04: 0.0% of 11Credit claiming, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labelspeak 0.0% · Jan ’25 · latest 0.0%Extreme labels, 2025-01: 0.0% of 14Extreme labels, 2025-02: 0.0% of 12Extreme labels, 2025-03: 0.0% of 14Extreme labels, 2025-04: 0.0% of 17Extreme labels, 2025-05: 0.0% of 12Extreme labels, 2025-06: 0.0% of 11Extreme labels, 2025-07: 0.0% of 12Extreme labels, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-09: 0.0% of 10Extreme labels, 2025-10: 0.0% of 11Extreme labels, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-12: 0.0% of 12Extreme labels, 2026-01: 0.0% of 10Extreme labels, 2026-02: 0.0% of 11Extreme labels, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-04: 0.0% of 11Extreme labels, 2026-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-07: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Jan ’25Jul ’25Jan ’26Jul ’26Oct ’26
Show the data
Monthly rates for Stubbs, each row shaded against its own peak, with statement volume. Months with fewer than 10 statements are left blank.
ColumnStatementsPersonal attacksPolicy criticismPolicy discussionBipartisanshipCredit claimingExtreme labels
Jan ’25140.0%0.0%21.4%0.0%0.0%0.0%
Feb ’25120.0%0.0%8.3%0.0%0.0%0.0%
Mar ’25140.0%0.0%14.3%0.0%0.0%0.0%
Apr ’25170.0%0.0%29.4%0.0%0.0%0.0%
May ’25120.0%0.0%33.3%0.0%0.0%0.0%
Jun ’25110.0%0.0%9.1%0.0%0.0%0.0%
Jul ’25120.0%0.0%16.7%0.0%0.0%0.0%
Aug ’259— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Sep ’25100.0%0.0%30.0%0.0%0.0%0.0%
Oct ’25110.0%0.0%27.3%0.0%0.0%0.0%
Nov ’258— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Dec ’25120.0%0.0%25.0%0.0%0.0%0.0%
Jan ’26100.0%0.0%20.0%0.0%0.0%0.0%
Feb ’26110.0%0.0%0.0%0.0%0.0%0.0%
Mar ’269— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Apr ’26110.0%0.0%18.2%0.0%0.0%0.0%
May ’269— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jun ’269— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jul ’261— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Aug ’262— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Sep ’261— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Oct ’260— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
How to read the strips

Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the AL 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 9 months are hatched here; 1 of them have no statements.

In Stubbs’s words

Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned

Policy discussion

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Jun 25, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Taxation · Source

Examples by category

Up to five recent statements in each category

Category

Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.

No statements in this category in this window.

All 205 statements

Newest first, the AL 2025–26 session

The full feed

Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 205 posts on X.

Back to topNext: Policy

Policy

Finance and Financial Sector is what Stubbs talks about most: 59% of policy statements, 43.0 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.19 on a 0–1 scale (State House Republicans average 0.53; 502nd of 504).

Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Stubbs talks about. The bills Stubbs sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.

What Stubbs talks about

Share of policy statements by area, the AL 2025–26 session

0%65%
Stubbs
Peers
Finance and Financial Sector23 statements
59%
1%
Taxation12 statements
31%
8%
Economics and Public Finance5 statements
13%
12%
Health2 statements
5%
10%
Agriculture and Food1 statements
3%
4%
Show the data
Policy areas Stubbs talks about, as a share of policy statements, against the State House Republicans average.
RowStubbsPeers
Finance and Financial Sector59%1%
Taxation31%8%
Economics and Public Finance13%12%
Health5%10%
Agriculture and Food3%4%
How to read the bars

The thick bar is the share of Stubbs’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

Talks about · legislates on

Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 65%. Grey ticks are the State House Republicans averages.

Talks aboutLegislates onFinance and FinancialSectorFinance and Financial Sector, talks about: 59% (State House Republicans 1%)59%Finance and Financial Sector, legislates on: 0% (State House Republicans 3%)0%TaxationTaxation, talks about: 31% (State House Republicans 8%)31%Taxation, legislates on: 40% (State House Republicans 11%)40%Economics and PublicFinanceEconomics and Public Finance, talks about: 13% (State House Republicans 12%)13%Economics and Public Finance, legislates on: 0% (State House Republicans 2%)0%HealthHealth, talks about: 5% (State House Republicans 10%)5%Health, legislates on: 0% (State House Republicans 10%)0%Agriculture and FoodAgriculture and Food, talks about: 3% (State House Republicans 4%)3%Agriculture and Food, legislates on: 0% (State House Republicans 3%)0%
Show the data
Stubbs's share of statements against share of bills in each policy area.
AreaTalks aboutState House Republicans, talks aboutLegislates onState House Republicans, legislates on
Finance and Financial Sector59%1%0%3%
Taxation31%8%40%11%
Economics and Public Finance13%12%0%2%
Health5%10%0%10%
Agriculture and Food3%4%0%3%
0.19

talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1

State House Republicans average 0.53. Ranks 502nd of 504.

What agreement means, and what it doesn’t

Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Stubbs legislates on exactly the areas Stubbs talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Stubbs sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.

Back to topNext: Ideology

Ideology

Stubbs sits at +0.37 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more conservative than 54% of State House Republicans. Approximate range +0.31 to +0.44, which understates the uncertainty; from 31 donors and 241 roll calls.

CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.

+0.37

CSIP ideal point

Approximate range +0.31 to +0.44. From 31 donors and 241 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.

← More liberalMore conservative →0Stubbs +0.4State House Republicans +0.4Alabama House +0.2All State House +0.1

The outlined dot is Stubbs, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Stubbs’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.

What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.

Where Stubbs sits

Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale

−2.0−1.00.0+1.0+2.0← More liberalMore conservative →State House Republicansmedian +0.4Stubbs +0.4Alabama Housemedian +0.2All State Housemedian +0.1
Show the data
Stubbs's CSIP score of +0.37 placed against State House Republicans, Alabama House, All State House.
GroupOfficialsMedianShare left of Stubbs
State House Republicans2917+0.454%
Alabama House104+0.279%
All State House5324+0.175%
How to read the strips

Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Stubbs in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Stubbs.

Back to topNext: Money

Money

Stubbs reported $73.9K in the 2026 cycle, 2.2 times the State House Republicans’ median of $33.7K. State filings report no small-donation total. 100% of itemized individual money came from Alabama.

Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.

Election cycle
$73.9K

itemized in the 2026 cycle

From 1 itemized donors. State House Republicans’ median $33.7K.

Where the money came from

Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.

Individuals (itemized): $500 (0.7%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)PACs and other committees: $73.4K (99.3%)
  • Individuals (itemized)1 squares$500
  • PACs and other committees99 squares$73.4K
Show the data
Sources of Stubbs's money, 2026 cycle, one square per percent
SourceAmountShare
Individuals (itemized)$5000.7%
PACs and other committees$73.4K99.3%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.

Receipts by cycle

Itemized contributions, 2022 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Republicans’ median for 2026.

2022 cycle: $111.2K$111.2K20222026 cycle: $73.9K$73.9K2026State House Republicans median $33.7K
Show the data
Stubbs's receipts by cycle against the 2026 State House Republicans median.
ItemValue
2022 cycle$111.2K
2026 cycle$73.9K

Top donor states, 2026

Itemized contributions by donor state. 100% came from Alabama.

  1. Alabama$500

Small donations

State filings report no total for small gifts.

Not reported in state filings.

Where itemized donors live

Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state

Alaska: no dataAKMaine: no dataMEVermont: no dataVTNew Hampshire: no dataNHWashington: no dataWAIdaho: no dataIDMontana: no dataMTNorth Dakota: no dataNDMinnesota: no dataMNIllinois: no dataILWisconsin: no dataWIMichigan: no dataMINew York: no dataNYRhode Island: no dataRIMassachusetts: no dataMAOregon: no dataORNevada: no dataNVWyoming: no dataWYSouth Dakota: no dataSDIowa: no dataIAIndiana: no dataINOhio: no dataOHPennsylvania: no dataPANew Jersey: no dataNJConnecticut: no dataCTCalifornia: no dataCAUtah: no dataUTColorado: no dataCONebraska: no dataNEMissouri: no dataMOKentucky: no dataKYWest Virginia: no dataWVVirginia: no dataVAMaryland: no dataMDDelaware: no dataDEArizona: no dataAZNew Mexico: no dataNMKansas: no dataKSArkansas: no dataARTennessee: no dataTNNorth Carolina: no dataNCSouth Carolina: no dataSCDistrict of Columbia: no dataDCOklahoma: no dataOKLouisiana: no dataLAMississippi: no dataMSAlabama: $500ALGeorgia: no dataGAHawaii: no dataHITexas: no dataTXFlorida: no dataFL
Show the data
Stubbs's itemized individual contributions by donor state, 2026 cycle
StateValue
Alabama$500
AlaskaNo data
MaineNo data
VermontNo data
New HampshireNo data
WashingtonNo data
IdahoNo data
MontanaNo data
North DakotaNo data
MinnesotaNo data
IllinoisNo data
WisconsinNo data
MichiganNo data
New YorkNo data
Rhode IslandNo data
MassachusettsNo data
OregonNo data
NevadaNo data
WyomingNo data
South DakotaNo data
IowaNo data
IndianaNo data
OhioNo data
PennsylvaniaNo data
New JerseyNo data
ConnecticutNo data
CaliforniaNo data
UtahNo data
ColoradoNo data
NebraskaNo data
MissouriNo data
KentuckyNo data
West VirginiaNo data
VirginiaNo data
MarylandNo data
DelawareNo data
ArizonaNo data
New MexicoNo data
KansasNo data
ArkansasNo data
TennesseeNo data
North CarolinaNo data
South CarolinaNo data
District of ColumbiaNo data
OklahomaNo data
LouisianaNo data
MississippiNo data
GeorgiaNo data
HawaiiNo data
TexasNo data
FloridaNo data
1

itemized donors

People who gave more than $200

100%

from Alabama

Of itemized individual dollars

How to read the map

Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Alabama. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.

Top donor occupations

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

No occupations reported.

Top committees

PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.

  1. ALABAMA HOUSE MAJORITY PAC$9,180
  2. FARMPAC$5,000
  3. FAXPAC$5,000
  4. IMPAC$5,000
  5. POARCH CREEK INDIAN PAC$5,000

Top employers

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

No employers reported.

Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.

Back to topNext: Votes

Votes

No roll-call votes for the AL 2025–26 session.No roll-call votes are recorded for this official in this time window.

Back to topNext: Legislation

Legislation

Stubbs sponsored 11 bills in the AL 2025–26 session; 7 became law. Cosponsored 0 others. 73% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Alabama House average 67%; 38th of 99).

The bills Stubbs sponsored and cosponsored in the AL 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.

Bills by stage

Counts for the AL 2025–26 session

Sponsored11 billsSponsored, Introduced: 1111Sponsored, In committee: 1111Sponsored, Passed one chamber: 88Sponsored, Passed both chambers: 77Sponsored, Became law: 77Cosponsored0 billsCosponsored, Introduced: 00Cosponsored, In committee: 00Cosponsored, Passed one chamber: 00Cosponsored, Passed both chambers: 00Cosponsored, Became law: 00IntroducedIncommitteePassed onechamberPassed bothchambersBecamelaw
Show the data
Bills Stubbs sponsored and cosponsored, by furthest stage reached
RoleIntroducedIn committeePassed one chamberPassed both chambersBecame law
Sponsored1111877
Cosponsored00000
How to read the blocks

Ink blocks are bills Stubbs sponsored, ochre blocks bills Stubbs cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.

73%

of sponsored bills got out of committee

Alabama House average 67%. Ranks 38th of 99.

Cosponsorship partners

Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Stubbs, by number of shared bills in the AL 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.

No cosponsorship ties in this window.

What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Stubbs’s bills; the toggle shows more.

Bill list

Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest

Bills sponsored and cosponsored
HB 580Public institutions of higher education; faculty senates limited to advisory role, tenure policy required, review and dismissal of tenured faculty authorized, governing board authority over courses and curriculum providedSponsorMar 5, 2026Became lawEducation(model)Enacted Apr 13, 2026
HJR 152Thomas A. Harris, commendedSponsorFeb 19, 2026Became lawUnassignedEnacted Mar 17, 2026
HB 467City of Tallassee in Elmore and Tallapoosa Counties; board of education compensationSponsorFeb 17, 2026Became lawEducation(model)Enacted Mar 9, 2026
HB 162Administrative rules; adopting environmental protection criteria stricter than federal requirements prohibitedSponsorJan 13, 2026In committeeEnvironmental Protection(model)Read for the first time and referred to the House Committee on State Government Jan 13, 2026
HB 163Property Insurance and Energy Reduction Act; allow financing of projects through private fundingSponsorJan 13, 2026Became lawEnergy(model)Enacted Mar 17, 2026

Back to topNext: Online

Online

A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Stubbs’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.

The lab crawls Stubbs’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Stubbs posts with a vision model.

Websites

How to read the counts

“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.

Images Stubbs posted

No images from Stubbs’s posts have been described.

About the descriptions

Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

State floor speeches

No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.

Floor speeches

Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.

Back to topNext: Methods and sources

Methods and sources

How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.

The headline

The headline is the measure on which Stubbs is most unusual among State House Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.

The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.

A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).

Identifiers

Profile id
82715f9c-12a1-4e99-8020-a47b37dfa92b
Open States
ocd-person/82715f9c-12a1-4e99-8020-a47b37dfa92b

Bulk files with the same data for every official:

Freshness of this profile’s data

  • What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
  • Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
  • Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
  • Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
  • Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
  • WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
  • State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.

How the measures work

What politicians say
Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
Extreme labels
A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
Policy areas and agreement
Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology (CSIP)
Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
Campaign money
Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
Votes and key votes
Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
Peers and ranks
Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.

America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab

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