Policy discussion
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jun 25, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Taxation · Source

Agreement 0.19 on a 0–1 scale; the average for State House Republicans is 0.53. Ranks 502nd of 504, where 1st is the closest match.
How closely the mix of policy areas in Stubbs’s statements matches the mix in the bills Stubbs sponsors and cosponsors: 1 means the same areas in the same proportions, 0 means no overlap. Ranked among State House Republicans.
6 measures against State House Republicans. 0% of Stubbs’s statements claim credit, in the bottom 5% of State House Republicans (average 13%). 0% of Stubbs’s statements criticize a policy, in the bottom tenth of State House Republicans (average 9.3%).
The measures on which Stubbs sits furthest from the middle of State House Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Talk-to-bills agreement
State House Republicans average 0.53 · ranks 502nd of 504
Credit claiming
State House Republicans average 13% · ranks 764th of 791
Policy criticism
State House Republicans average 9.3% · ranks 735th of 791
Bipartisanship
State House Republicans average 1.8% · ranks 677th of 791
From Alabama, 2026
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 392nd of 2,335 State House Republicans
CSIP ideology
Right of 0, the centre of the scale · ± 0.06
Peer group: State House Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Stubbs, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Stubbs is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Stubbs claims credit less than 96% of State House Republicans. Credit claiming in 0% of 205 statements, against 13% for the average State House Republican; 764th of 791.
An AI model reads each of Stubbs’s 205 statements in the AL 2025–26 session (205 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Republicans and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the AL 2025–26 session
| Row | Stubbs | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 19% | 32% |
| Personal attacks | 0% | 3% |
| Policy criticism | 0% | 9% |
| Bipartisanship | 0% | 2% |
| Credit claiming | 0% | 13% |
statements classified
205 posts on X.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 205 |
The thick bar is Stubbs; the thin grey bar is the average State House Republicans. A longer thick bar means Stubbs does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Stubbs used no extreme labels in 205 statements. The peer average is 1.4%.
No extreme labels in this window.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
No targets recorded.
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the AL 2025–26 session
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 14 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 21.4% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’25 | 12 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 8.3% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’25 | 14 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 14.3% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’25 | 17 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 29.4% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| May ’25 | 12 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 33.3% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’25 | 11 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 9.1% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’25 | 12 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 16.7% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’25 | 9 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’25 | 10 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 30.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’25 | 11 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 27.3% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Nov ’25 | 8 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Dec ’25 | 12 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 25.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Jan ’26 | 10 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 20.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’26 | 11 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’26 | 9 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Apr ’26 | 11 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 18.2% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| May ’26 | 9 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jun ’26 | 9 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jul ’26 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’26 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’26 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Oct ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the AL 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 9 months are hatched here; 1 of them have no statements.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Policy discussion
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jun 25, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Taxation · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
No statements in this category in this window.
Newest first, the AL 2025–26 session
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 205 posts on X.
Finance and Financial Sector is what Stubbs talks about most: 59% of policy statements, 43.0 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.19 on a 0–1 scale (State House Republicans average 0.53; 502nd of 504).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Stubbs talks about. The bills Stubbs sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
Share of policy statements by area, the AL 2025–26 session
| Row | Stubbs | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Finance and Financial Sector | 59% | 1% |
| Taxation | 31% | 8% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 13% | 12% |
| Health | 5% | 10% |
| Agriculture and Food | 3% | 4% |
The thick bar is the share of Stubbs’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 65%. Grey ticks are the State House Republicans averages.
| Area | Talks about | State House Republicans, talks about | Legislates on | State House Republicans, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Finance and Financial Sector | 59% | 1% | 0% | 3% |
| Taxation | 31% | 8% | 40% | 11% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 13% | 12% | 0% | 2% |
| Health | 5% | 10% | 0% | 10% |
| Agriculture and Food | 3% | 4% | 0% | 3% |
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State House Republicans average 0.53. Ranks 502nd of 504.
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Stubbs legislates on exactly the areas Stubbs talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Stubbs sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Stubbs sits at +0.37 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more conservative than 54% of State House Republicans. Approximate range +0.31 to +0.44, which understates the uncertainty; from 31 donors and 241 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +0.31 to +0.44. From 31 donors and 241 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Stubbs, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Stubbs’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Stubbs |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Republicans | 2917 | +0.4 | 54% |
| Alabama House | 104 | +0.2 | 79% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 75% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Stubbs in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Stubbs.
Stubbs reported $73.9K in the 2026 cycle, 2.2 times the State House Republicans’ median of $33.7K. State filings report no small-donation total. 100% of itemized individual money came from Alabama.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 1 itemized donors. State House Republicans’ median $33.7K.
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $500 | 0.7% |
| PACs and other committees | $73.4K | 99.3% |
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Itemized contributions, 2022 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Republicans’ median for 2026.
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2022 cycle | $111.2K |
| 2026 cycle | $73.9K |
Itemized contributions by donor state. 100% came from Alabama.
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Alabama | $500 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
| Florida | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from Alabama
Of itemized individual dollars
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Alabama. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No occupations reported.
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
No roll-call votes for the AL 2025–26 session.No roll-call votes are recorded for this official in this time window.
Stubbs sponsored 11 bills in the AL 2025–26 session; 7 became law. Cosponsored 0 others. 73% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Alabama House average 67%; 38th of 99).
The bills Stubbs sponsored and cosponsored in the AL 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the AL 2025–26 session
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 11 | 11 | 8 | 7 | 7 |
| Cosponsored | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
Ink blocks are bills Stubbs sponsored, ochre blocks bills Stubbs cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Alabama House average 67%. Ranks 38th of 99.
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Stubbs, by number of shared bills in the AL 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
No cosponsorship ties in this window.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Stubbs’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| HB 580 | Public institutions of higher education; faculty senates limited to advisory role, tenure policy required, review and dismissal of tenured faculty authorized, governing board authority over courses and curriculum provided | Sponsor | Mar 5, 2026 | Became law | Education(model) | Enacted Apr 13, 2026 |
| HJR 152 | Thomas A. Harris, commended | Sponsor | Feb 19, 2026 | Became law | Unassigned | Enacted Mar 17, 2026 |
| HB 467 | City of Tallassee in Elmore and Tallapoosa Counties; board of education compensation | Sponsor | Feb 17, 2026 | Became law | Education(model) | Enacted Mar 9, 2026 |
| HB 162 | Administrative rules; adopting environmental protection criteria stricter than federal requirements prohibited | Sponsor | Jan 13, 2026 | In committee | Environmental Protection(model) | Read for the first time and referred to the House Committee on State Government Jan 13, 2026 |
| HB 163 | Property Insurance and Energy Reduction Act; allow financing of projects through private funding | Sponsor | Jan 13, 2026 | Became law | Energy(model) | Enacted Mar 17, 2026 |
A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Stubbs’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Stubbs’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Stubbs posts with a vision model.
Official site
alison.legislature.state.al.us/house-leaders-members?tab=1&search=stubbsLast crawled Oct 1, 2026
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
No images from Stubbs’s posts have been described.
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which Stubbs is most unusual among State House Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab