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Republican · Wisconsin House, district 2

Serving since Jan 7, 2019WI 2025–26 session

Portrait of Shae Sortwell, rendered as a two-tone print
Official portrait
3.0×
the State House Republican rate of personal attacks

8.8% of 217 statements contain a personal attack (19 statements); the average for State House Republicans is 2.9%. Ranks 76th of 791, where 1st is the highest rate.

An AI model reads each of Sortwell’s posts on X and marks whether it attacks a person’s character, integrity or loyalty. The rate is the share of statements marked; it is compared with the average among State House Republicans and ranked against the same group.

At a glance

6 measures against State House Republicans. Sortwell voted against the majority of Wisconsin House Republicans 14 times; party unity 94.1%, in the bottom quarter of the Wisconsin House (average 97.6%). Sortwell sits at +0.57 on the CSIP scale, more conservative than 83% of State House Republicans.

The measures on which Sortwell sits furthest from the middle of State House Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.

Personal attacks

8.8%

State House Republicans average 2.9% · ranks 76th of 791

Bipartisanship

4.2%

State House Republicans average 1.8% · ranks 96th of 791

Extreme labels

3.7%

State House Republicans average 1.4% · ranks 98th of 791

Party unity

94.1%

Wisconsin House average 97.6% · ranks 84th of 98 · 14 votes against the majority of Wisconsin House Republicans

CSIP ideology

+0.57

More conservative than 83% of State House Republicans · ± 0.05

Policy criticism

13%

State House Republicans average 9.3% · ranks 195th of 791

Peer group: State House Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Sortwell, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Sortwell is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).

Back to topNext: What politicians say

What Sortwell says

Sortwell attacks opponents personally more than 90% of State House Republicans. Personal attacks in 8.8% of 217 statements, against 2.9% for the average State House Republican; 76th of 791.

An AI model reads each of Sortwell’s 217 statements in the WI 2025–26 session (217 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Republicans and ranked among them.

Kinds of statement

Share of statements carrying each label, the WI 2025–26 session

0%80%
Sortwell
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion59 statements
27%
32%
450th of 791
Policy criticism29 statements
13%
9%
195th of 791
Personal attacks19 statements
9%
3%
76th of 791
Credit claiming15 statements
7%
13%
482nd of 791
Bipartisanship9 statements
4%
2%
96th of 791
Show the data
Sortwell's share of statements in each category against the State House Republicans average.
RowSortwellPeers
Policy discussion27%32%
Policy criticism13%9%
Personal attacks9%3%
Credit claiming7%13%
Bipartisanship4%2%
217

statements classified

217 posts on X.

posts on X: 217 (100.0%)posts on X 217
Show the data
Sortwell's statements by source
PartValue
posts on X217
How to read the bars

The thick bar is Sortwell; the thin grey bar is the average State House Republicans. A longer thick bar means Sortwell does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.

Extreme labels

Sortwell used extreme labels in 3.7% of statements, 2.6 times the peer average. 8 statements, most often aimed at communists; peers 1.4%.

  1. “MAGA”2
  2. “communist”1
  3. “radical”1

Who gets the labels

Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements

  1. communists1
  2. GOP1
  3. leftist terrorists1
  4. MAGA1
  5. WI Supreme Court1
What an extreme label is

Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.

Month by month

Share of statements per month, the WI 2025–26 session

Statements2025-01: 92025-02: 162025-03: 242025-04: 182025-05: 82025-06: 112025-07: 142025-08: 82025-09: 212025-10: 102025-11: 32025-12: 42026-01: 42026-02: 32026-03: 52026-04: 102026-05: 102026-06: 62026-07: 132026-08: 122026-09: 52026-10: 3peak 24 · Mar ’25Personal attackspeak 25.0% · Aug ’26 · latest 25.0%Personal attacks, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-02: 6.3% of 16Personal attacks, 2025-03: 16.7% of 24Personal attacks, 2025-04: 5.6% of 18Personal attacks, 2025-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-06: 9.1% of 11Personal attacks, 2025-07: 7.1% of 14Personal attacks, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-09: 4.8% of 21Personal attacks, 2025-10: 10.0% of 10Personal attacks, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-04: 10.0% of 10Personal attacks, 2026-05: 0.0% of 10Personal attacks, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-07: 15.4% of 13Personal attacks, 2026-08: 25.0% of 12Personal attacks, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Personal attacks, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticismpeak 40.0% · Apr ’26 · latest 0.0%Policy criticism, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-02: 6.3% of 16Policy criticism, 2025-03: 29.2% of 24Policy criticism, 2025-04: 11.1% of 18Policy criticism, 2025-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-06: 9.1% of 11Policy criticism, 2025-07: 21.4% of 14Policy criticism, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-09: 0.0% of 21Policy criticism, 2025-10: 30.0% of 10Policy criticism, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-04: 40.0% of 10Policy criticism, 2026-05: 20.0% of 10Policy criticism, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-07: 0.0% of 13Policy criticism, 2026-08: 0.0% of 12Policy criticism, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy criticism, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussionpeak 70.0% · Apr ’26 · latest 25.0%Policy discussion, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-02: 37.5% of 16Policy discussion, 2025-03: 33.3% of 24Policy discussion, 2025-04: 11.1% of 18Policy discussion, 2025-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-06: 27.3% of 11Policy discussion, 2025-07: 28.6% of 14Policy discussion, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-09: 0.0% of 21Policy discussion, 2025-10: 20.0% of 10Policy discussion, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-04: 70.0% of 10Policy discussion, 2026-05: 20.0% of 10Policy discussion, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-07: 23.1% of 13Policy discussion, 2026-08: 25.0% of 12Policy discussion, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Policy discussion, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanshippeak 20.0% · May ’26 · latest 0.0%Bipartisanship, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-02: 0.0% of 16Bipartisanship, 2025-03: 4.2% of 24Bipartisanship, 2025-04: 0.0% of 18Bipartisanship, 2025-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-06: 9.1% of 11Bipartisanship, 2025-07: 7.1% of 14Bipartisanship, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-09: 0.0% of 21Bipartisanship, 2025-10: 0.0% of 10Bipartisanship, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-04: 10.0% of 10Bipartisanship, 2026-05: 20.0% of 10Bipartisanship, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-07: 0.0% of 13Bipartisanship, 2026-08: 0.0% of 12Bipartisanship, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Bipartisanship, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claimingpeak 25.0% · Feb ’25 · latest 0.0%Credit claiming, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-02: 25.0% of 16Credit claiming, 2025-03: 4.2% of 24Credit claiming, 2025-04: 0.0% of 18Credit claiming, 2025-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-06: 9.1% of 11Credit claiming, 2025-07: 7.1% of 14Credit claiming, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-09: 4.8% of 21Credit claiming, 2025-10: 10.0% of 10Credit claiming, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-04: 0.0% of 10Credit claiming, 2026-05: 0.0% of 10Credit claiming, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-07: 0.0% of 13Credit claiming, 2026-08: 0.0% of 12Credit claiming, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Credit claiming, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labelspeak 11.1% · Apr ’25 · latest 0.0%Extreme labels, 2025-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-02: 0.0% of 16Extreme labels, 2025-03: 0.0% of 24Extreme labels, 2025-04: 11.1% of 18Extreme labels, 2025-05: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-06: 0.0% of 11Extreme labels, 2025-07: 0.0% of 14Extreme labels, 2025-08: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-09: 9.5% of 21Extreme labels, 2025-10: 10.0% of 10Extreme labels, 2025-11: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2025-12: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-01: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-02: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-03: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-04: 0.0% of 10Extreme labels, 2026-05: 0.0% of 10Extreme labels, 2026-06: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-07: 7.7% of 13Extreme labels, 2026-08: 0.0% of 12Extreme labels, 2026-09: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Extreme labels, 2026-10: not plotted (fewer than 10 statements)Jan ’25Jul ’25Jan ’26Jul ’26Oct ’26
Show the data
Monthly rates for Sortwell, each row shaded against its own peak, with statement volume. Months with fewer than 10 statements are left blank.
ColumnStatementsPersonal attacksPolicy criticismPolicy discussionBipartisanshipCredit claimingExtreme labels
Jan ’259— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Feb ’25166.3%6.3%37.5%0.0%25.0%0.0%
Mar ’252416.7%29.2%33.3%4.2%4.2%0.0%
Apr ’25185.6%11.1%11.1%0.0%0.0%11.1%
May ’258— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jun ’25119.1%9.1%27.3%9.1%9.1%0.0%
Jul ’25147.1%21.4%28.6%7.1%7.1%0.0%
Aug ’258— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Sep ’25214.8%0.0%0.0%0.0%4.8%9.5%
Oct ’251010.0%30.0%20.0%0.0%10.0%10.0%
Nov ’253— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Dec ’254— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jan ’264— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Feb ’263— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Mar ’265— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Apr ’261010.0%40.0%70.0%10.0%0.0%0.0%
May ’26100.0%20.0%20.0%20.0%0.0%0.0%
Jun ’266— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Jul ’261315.4%0.0%23.1%0.0%0.0%7.7%
Aug ’261225.0%0.0%25.0%0.0%0.0%0.0%
Sep ’265— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
Oct ’263— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)— (fewer than 10 statements)
How to read the strips

Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the WI 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 11 months are hatched here.

In Sortwell’s words

Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned

Bipartisanship

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Jun 3, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · bipartisanship · Source

Personal attacks

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Aug 3, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; policy discussion; Crime and Law Enforcement; target: She · Source

Extreme label

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Jul 2, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · extreme label “communist” aimed at communists · Source

Examples by category

Up to five recent statements in each category

Category

Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.

  1. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · policy discussion · Crime and Law Enforcement · target: SheSource

  2. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · target: Francesca HongSource

  3. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · policy discussion · Crime and Law Enforcement · Government Operations and Politics · target: Francesca HongSource

  4. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · target: HongSource

  5. Posts on X (state legislators)

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · policy discussion · Economics and Public Finance · Finance and Financial Sector · target: Sara RodriguezSource

All 217 statements

Newest first, the WI 2025–26 session

The full feed

Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 217 posts on X.

Back to topNext: Policy

Policy

Government Operations and Politics is what Sortwell talks about most: 24% of policy statements, above the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.56 on a 0–1 scale (State House Republicans average 0.53; 209th of 504).

Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Sortwell talks about. The bills Sortwell sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.

What Sortwell talks about

Share of policy statements by area, the WI 2025–26 session

0%35%
Sortwell
Peers
Government Operations and Politics14 statements
24%
18%
Education12 statements
20%
15%
Taxation12 statements
20%
8%
Economics and Public Finance10 statements
17%
12%
Energy6 statements
10%
4%
Show the data
Policy areas Sortwell talks about, as a share of policy statements, against the State House Republicans average.
RowSortwellPeers
Government Operations and Politics24%18%
Education20%15%
Taxation20%8%
Economics and Public Finance17%12%
Energy10%4%
How to read the bars

The thick bar is the share of Sortwell’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

Talks about · legislates on

Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State House Republicans averages.

Talks aboutLegislates onGovernment Operations andPoliticsGovernment Operations and Politics, talks about: 24% (State House Republicans 18%)24%Government Operations and Politics, legislates on: 14% (State House Republicans 12%)14%EducationEducation, talks about: 20% (State House Republicans 15%)20%Education, legislates on: 12% (State House Republicans 9%)12%TaxationTaxation, talks about: 20% (State House Republicans 8%)20%Taxation, legislates on: 7% (State House Republicans 11%)7%Economics and Public FinanceEconomics and Public Finance, talks about: 17% (State House Republicans 12%)17%Economics and Public Finance, legislates on: 0% (State House Republicans 2%)0%EnergyEnergy, talks about: 10% (State House Republicans 4%)10%Energy, legislates on: 7% (State House Republicans 3%)7%
Show the data
Sortwell's share of statements against share of bills in each policy area.
AreaTalks aboutState House Republicans, talks aboutLegislates onState House Republicans, legislates on
Government Operations and Politics24%18%14%12%
Education20%15%12%9%
Taxation20%8%7%11%
Economics and Public Finance17%12%0%2%
Energy10%4%7%3%
0.56

talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1

State House Republicans average 0.53. Ranks 209th of 504.

What agreement means, and what it doesn’t

Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Sortwell legislates on exactly the areas Sortwell talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Sortwell sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.

Back to topNext: Ideology

Ideology

Sortwell sits at +0.57 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more conservative than 83% of State House Republicans. Approximate range +0.52 to +0.62, which understates the uncertainty; from 561 donors and 557 roll calls.

CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.

+0.57

CSIP ideal point

Approximate range +0.52 to +0.62. From 561 donors and 557 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.

← More liberalMore conservative →0Sortwell +0.6State House Republicans +0.4Wisconsin House +0.5All State House +0.1

The outlined dot is Sortwell, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Sortwell’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.

What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.

Where Sortwell sits

Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale

−2.0−1.00.0+1.0+2.0← More liberalMore conservative →State House Republicansmedian +0.4Sortwell +0.6Wisconsin Housemedian +0.5All State Housemedian +0.1
Show the data
Sortwell's CSIP score of +0.57 placed against State House Republicans, Wisconsin House, All State House.
GroupOfficialsMedianShare left of Sortwell
State House Republicans2917+0.483%
Wisconsin House99+0.556%
All State House5324+0.191%
How to read the strips

Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Sortwell in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Sortwell.

Back to topNext: Money

Money

Sortwell reported $32.8K in the 2026 cycle, close to the State House Republicans’ median of $33.7K. State filings report no small-donation total. 97% of itemized individual money came from Wisconsin.

Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.

Election cycle
$32.8K

itemized in the 2026 cycle

From 140 itemized donors. State House Republicans’ median $33.7K.

Where the money came from

Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.

Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)Individuals (itemized): $19.9K (60.6%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)PACs and other committees: $13.0K (39.4%)
  • Individuals (itemized)61 squares$19.9K
  • PACs and other committees39 squares$13.0K
Show the data
Sources of Sortwell's money, 2026 cycle, one square per percent
SourceAmountShare
Individuals (itemized)$19.9K60.6%
PACs and other committees$13.0K39.4%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.

Receipts by cycle

Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Republicans’ median for 2026.

2020 cycle: $36.9K$36.9K20202022 cycle: $69.8K$69.8K20222024 cycle: $40.6K$40.6K20242026 cycle: $32.8K$32.8K2026State House Republicans median $33.7K
Show the data
Sortwell's receipts by cycle against the 2026 State House Republicans median.
ItemValue
2020 cycle$36.9K
2022 cycle$69.8K
2024 cycle$40.6K
2026 cycle$32.8K

Top donor states, 2026

Itemized contributions by donor state. 97% came from Wisconsin.

  1. Wisconsin$19.4K
  2. Indiana$500

Small donations

State filings report no total for small gifts.

Not reported in state filings.

Where itemized donors live

Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state

Alaska: no dataAKMaine: no dataMEVermont: no dataVTNew Hampshire: no dataNHWashington: no dataWAIdaho: no dataIDMontana: no dataMTNorth Dakota: no dataNDMinnesota: no dataMNIllinois: no dataILWisconsin: $19.4KWIMichigan: no dataMINew York: no dataNYRhode Island: no dataRIMassachusetts: no dataMAOregon: no dataORNevada: no dataNVWyoming: no dataWYSouth Dakota: no dataSDIowa: no dataIAIndiana: $500INOhio: no dataOHPennsylvania: no dataPANew Jersey: no dataNJConnecticut: no dataCTCalifornia: no dataCAUtah: no dataUTColorado: no dataCONebraska: no dataNEMissouri: no dataMOKentucky: no dataKYWest Virginia: no dataWVVirginia: no dataVAMaryland: no dataMDDelaware: no dataDEArizona: no dataAZNew Mexico: no dataNMKansas: no dataKSArkansas: no dataARTennessee: no dataTNNorth Carolina: no dataNCSouth Carolina: no dataSCDistrict of Columbia: no dataDCOklahoma: no dataOKLouisiana: no dataLAMississippi: no dataMSAlabama: no dataALGeorgia: no dataGAHawaii: no dataHITexas: no dataTXFlorida: no dataFL
Show the data
Sortwell's itemized individual contributions by donor state, 2026 cycle
StateValue
Wisconsin$19.4K
Indiana$500
AlaskaNo data
MaineNo data
VermontNo data
New HampshireNo data
WashingtonNo data
IdahoNo data
MontanaNo data
North DakotaNo data
MinnesotaNo data
IllinoisNo data
MichiganNo data
New YorkNo data
Rhode IslandNo data
MassachusettsNo data
OregonNo data
NevadaNo data
WyomingNo data
South DakotaNo data
IowaNo data
OhioNo data
PennsylvaniaNo data
New JerseyNo data
ConnecticutNo data
CaliforniaNo data
UtahNo data
ColoradoNo data
NebraskaNo data
MissouriNo data
KentuckyNo data
West VirginiaNo data
VirginiaNo data
MarylandNo data
DelawareNo data
ArizonaNo data
New MexicoNo data
KansasNo data
ArkansasNo data
TennesseeNo data
North CarolinaNo data
South CarolinaNo data
District of ColumbiaNo data
OklahomaNo data
LouisianaNo data
MississippiNo data
AlabamaNo data
GeorgiaNo data
HawaiiNo data
TexasNo data
FloridaNo data
140

itemized donors

People who gave more than $200

97%

from Wisconsin

Of itemized individual dollars

How to read the map

Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Wisconsin. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.

Top donor occupations

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

  1. RETIRED$7,139 65 donors
  2. FARMER$675 3 donors
  3. DIRECTOR$580 3 donors
  4. REALTOR$500 10 donors
  5. HOMEMAKER$170 3 donors

Top committees

PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.

  1. CONCERNED REALTORS COMMITTEE$1,000
  2. FOREST CO POTAWATOMI COMM PAC$1,000
  3. KOCHPAC$1,000
  4. MILWAUKEE POLICE ASSOCIATION POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE$1,000
  5. PLUMBERS &STEAMFITTERS LOCAL 400 COPE FUND$1,000

Top employers

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

No employers reported.

Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.

Back to topNext: Votes

Votes

Sortwell voted with the majority of Wisconsin House Republicans on 94.1% of party-line votes and missed none of 244 roll calls. Wisconsin House on average: 97.6% party unity, 97.7% attendance. Across all roll calls, Sortwell voted against the majority of Wisconsin House Republicans 14 times.

244 roll calls Sortwell could vote on in the WI 2025–26 session, compared with Wisconsin House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Sortwell voted with the majority of Wisconsin House Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.

14

votes against the majority of Wisconsin House Republicans

Party unity 94.1%, Wisconsin House average 97.6%, ranks 84th of 98. 244 roll calls in the WI 2025–26 session.

Attendance and party unity

The thick bar is Sortwell, the thin grey bar the Wisconsin House average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.

80%100%
Sortwell
Peers
Rank
Attendance
100%
97.7%
29th of 98
Party unity
94.1%
97.6%
84th of 98
Show the data
Sortwell's attendance and party unity against Wisconsin House.
RowSortwellPeers
Attendance100%97.7%
Party unity94.1%97.6%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.

Key votes

25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the WI 2025–26 session

Key votes
Party split (yea–nay)Why it’s key
May 13, 2026
AB 1
Relating to: an income tax subtraction for qualified tips and for qualified overtime compensation; state aid for school districts; surplus refund payments; increasing funding for special education and school age parents programs; state aid to technical colleges and the technical college district rev
PASSAGE
YeaWith majoritypassD 10–32 · R 50–0Democrats 10 yea, 32 nay; Republicans 50 yea, 0 nayparty crossover · much discussed
Feb 19, 2026
SB 181
Relating to: a levy limit exemption for regional emergency medical systems and eligibility for the expenditure restraint incentive program. (FE)
CONCURRENCE
NayAgainst majoritypassD 40–0 · R 51–1Democrats 40 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 51 yea, 1 naybecame law
Feb 19, 2026
AB 659
Relating to: tuition and fee remission or grants for certain veterans and their dependents enrolled in the University of Wisconsin System, a technical college, or a private nonprofit institution of higher education; and the University of Wisconsin System nonresident tuition exemption for certain vet
PASSAGE
YeaWith majoritypassD 40–2 · R 53–0Democrats 40 yea, 2 nay; Republicans 53 yea, 0 naybecame law
Feb 19, 2026
AB 997
Relating to: funding for the Department of Financial Institutions for contributions to Trump accounts and making an appropriation. (FE)
PASSAGE
NayAgainst majoritypassD 9–34 · R 52–1Democrats 9 yea, 34 nay; Republicans 52 yea, 1 nayparty crossover
Feb 19, 2026
SB 439
Relating to: levy increase limit for the village of Oregon and the towns of Oregon and Rutland. (FE)
CONCURRENCE
YeaWith majoritypassD 42–0 · R 53–0Democrats 42 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 53 yea, 0 naybecame law
How key votes are chosen

Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.

Votes most often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Sortwell most often

  1. Elijah BehnkeR244 shared votes95%
  2. Gus GustafsonR243 shared votes95%
  3. Joy GoebenR243 shared votes95%
  4. Dave MaxeyR240 shared votes95%
  5. Brent JacobsonR239 shared votes95%

Votes least often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Sortwell least often

  1. Francesca HongD241 shared votes24%
  2. Darrin MadisonD244 shared votes24%
  3. Christian PhelpsD243 shared votes24%
  4. Ryan ClancyD235 shared votes25%
  5. Angelina CruzD234 shared votes28%
How to read the agreement lists

The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.

Full voting record

WI 2025–26 session, loads in batches

Back to topNext: Legislation

Legislation

Sortwell sponsored 88 bills in the WI 2025–26 session; 8 became law. Cosponsored 0 others. 63% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Wisconsin House average 45%; 52nd of 99).

The bills Sortwell sponsored and cosponsored in the WI 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.

Bills by stage

Counts for the WI 2025–26 session

Sponsored88 billsSponsored, Introduced: 8888Sponsored, In committee: 8888Sponsored, Passed one chamber: 3333Sponsored, Passed both chambers: 1919Sponsored, Became law: 88Cosponsored0 billsCosponsored, Introduced: 00Cosponsored, In committee: 00Cosponsored, Passed one chamber: 00Cosponsored, Passed both chambers: 00Cosponsored, Became law: 00IntroducedIncommitteePassed onechamberPassed bothchambersBecamelaw
Show the data
Bills Sortwell sponsored and cosponsored, by furthest stage reached
RoleIntroducedIn committeePassed one chamberPassed both chambersBecame law
Sponsored888833198
Cosponsored00000
How to read the blocks

Ink blocks are bills Sortwell sponsored, ochre blocks bills Sortwell cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.

63%

of sponsored bills got out of committee

Wisconsin House average 45%. Ranks 52nd of 99.

Cosponsorship partners

Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Sortwell, by number of shared bills in the WI 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.

  1. Elijah Behnke43
  2. Dave Murphy41
  3. Jerry O'Connor38
  4. Rob Kreibich38
  5. Barbara Dittrich37
What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Sortwell’s bills; the toggle shows more.

Bill list

Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest

Bills sponsored and cosponsored
AB 1095Relating to: speech-language pathologist licenses issued by the Department of Public Instruction and modifying administrative rules promulgated by the Department of Public Instruction. (FE)SponsorMar 13, 2026In committeeEducation(model)Fiscal estimate received Apr 3, 2026
AB 1038Relating to: an individual income tax subtraction for union dues allocated for education or training. (FE)SponsorFeb 26, 2026In committeeTaxation(model)Failed to pass pursuant to Senate Joint Resolution 1 Mar 23, 2026
AB 1052Relating to: prohibiting nonunion employees from receiving nonnegotiated benefits from union.SponsorFeb 26, 2026In committeeLabor and Employment(model)Failed to pass pursuant to Senate Joint Resolution 1 Mar 23, 2026
AB 1027Relating to: requiring information relating to the food stamp program to be compiled and provided to the U.S. Department of Agriculture. (FE)SponsorFeb 6, 2026Passed both chambersAgriculture and Food(model)Failed to pass notwithstanding the objections of the Governor pursuant to Joint Rule 82 May 13, 2026
AB 1024Relating to: the sale, service, and labeling of food products containing lab-grown milk and providing a penalty. (FE)SponsorFeb 6, 2026In committeeAgriculture and Food(model)Failed to pass pursuant to Senate Joint Resolution 1 Mar 23, 2026

Back to topNext: Online

Online

A site that has not changed in 90 days. Sortwell’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.

The lab crawls Sortwell’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Sortwell posts with a vision model.

Websites

How to read the counts

“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.

Images Sortwell posted

No images from Sortwell’s posts have been described.

About the descriptions

Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

State floor speeches

No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.

Floor speeches

Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.

Back to topNext: Methods and sources

Methods and sources

How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.

The headline

The headline is the measure on which Sortwell is most unusual among State House Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.

The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.

A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).

Identifiers

Profile id
82745ad9-d4b8-48e7-bbb9-3c5d73535c30
Open States
ocd-person/82745ad9-d4b8-48e7-bbb9-3c5d73535c30

Bulk files with the same data for every official:

Freshness of this profile’s data

  • What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
  • Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
  • Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
  • Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
  • Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
  • WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
  • State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.

How the measures work

What politicians say
Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
Extreme labels
A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
Policy areas and agreement
Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology (CSIP)
Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
Campaign money
Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
Votes and key votes
Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
Peers and ranks
Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.

America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab

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