Policy discussion
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Jun 26, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Government Operations and Politics · Source

CSIP score −1.04 (approximate range −1.10 to −0.97, which understates the uncertainty); negative is left of the scale’s centre, positive right. From 319 donors and 554 roll calls.
CSIP places every official on one left–right scale estimated from roll-call votes, campaign donations and the text of statements; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of moderate. The share says where Wilson sits among State House Democrats, not how far from the centre.
6 measures against State House Democrats. 100% of Wilson’s itemized money in the 2026 cycle came from Michigan, in the top quarter of State House Democrats. 15% of the 20 bills Wilson sponsored got out of committee, in the bottom quarter of the Michigan House.
The measures on which Wilson sits furthest from the middle of State House Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
CSIP ideology
More liberal than 92% of State House Democrats · ± 0.07
From Michigan, 2026
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 397th of 1,983 State House Democrats
Out of committee
Michigan House average 32% · ranks 84th of 107
Itemized, 2026
State House Democrats’ median $40.4K · ranks 1441st of 2,082
Party unity
Michigan House average 93.2% · ranks 55th of 110 · 42 votes against the majority of Michigan House Democrats
Attendance
Michigan House average 99.9% · ranks 55th of 110 · 642 roll calls
Peer group: State House Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Wilson, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Wilson is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Wilson claims credit less than 85% of State House Democrats. Credit claiming in 1.7% of 60 statements, against 14% for the average State House Democrat; 658th of 764.
An AI model reads each of Wilson’s 60 statements in the MI 2025–26 session (60 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Democrats and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the MI 2025–26 session
| Row | Wilson | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 22% | 39% |
| Policy criticism | 15% | 10% |
| Personal attacks | 7% | 3% |
| Bipartisanship | 3% | 3% |
| Credit claiming | 2% | 14% |
statements classified
60 posts on X.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 60 |
The thick bar is Wilson; the thin grey bar is the average State House Democrats. A longer thick bar means Wilson does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Wilson used no extreme labels in 60 statements. The peer average is 1.0%.
No extreme labels in this window.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
No targets recorded.
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the MI 2025–26 session
No month in this window has 10 or more statements, too few to chart month by month.
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the MI 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 22 months are hatched here; 1 of them have no statements.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Policy discussion
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jun 26, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; Government Operations and Politics · Source
Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Sep 16, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; target: Mike Rogers · Source
Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Nov 14, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · credit claiming · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Mike RogersSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: independentSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: cool5555581Source
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy criticism · policy discussion · Education · target: MiHouseRepublicansSource
Newest first, the MI 2025–26 session
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 60 posts on X.
Education is what Wilson talks about most: 46% of policy statements, 3.0 times the peer share. Peers give it 15%. Agreement with legislation needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Wilson talks about. The bills Wilson sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
Share of policy statements by area, the MI 2025–26 session
| Row | Wilson | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Education | 46% | 15% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 31% | 15% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 23% | 11% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 15% | 10% |
| Health | 15% | 15% |
The thick bar is the share of Wilson’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 51%. Grey ticks are the State House Democrats averages.
| Area | Talks about | State House Democrats, talks about | Legislates on | State House Democrats, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Education | 46% | 15% | 5% | 10% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 31% | 15% | 9% | 8% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 23% | 11% | 5% | 2% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 15% | 10% | 7% | 4% |
| Health | 15% | 15% | 8% | 15% |
No agreement score.Needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills in the window.
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Wilson legislates on exactly the areas Wilson talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Wilson sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Wilson sits at −1.04 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more liberal than 92% of State House Democrats. Approximate range −1.10 to −0.97, which understates the uncertainty; from 319 donors and 554 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −1.10 to −0.97. From 319 donors and 554 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Wilson, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Wilson’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Wilson |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Democrats | 2392 | −0.6 | 8% |
| Michigan House | 110 | +0.4 | 10% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 4% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Wilson in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Wilson.
Wilson reported $16.1K in the 2026 cycle, 40% of the State House Democrats’ median of $40.4K. State filings report no small-donation total. 100% of itemized individual money came from Michigan.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 52 itemized donors. State House Democrats’ median $40.4K.
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $5,705 | 35.4% |
| PACs and other committees | $10.4K | 64.6% |
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Itemized contributions, 2022 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Democrats’ median for 2026.
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2022 cycle | $46.6K |
| 2024 cycle | $69.1K |
| 2026 cycle | $16.1K |
Itemized contributions by donor state. 100% came from Michigan.
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Michigan | $5,695 |
| Pennsylvania | $10 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
| Florida | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from Michigan
Of itemized individual dollars
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Michigan. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Wilson voted with the majority of Michigan House Democrats on 97.9% of party-line votes and missed none of 642 roll calls. Michigan House on average: 93.2% party unity, 99.9% attendance. Across all roll calls, Wilson voted against the majority of Michigan House Democrats 42 times.
642 roll calls Wilson could vote on in the MI 2025–26 session, compared with Michigan House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Wilson voted with the majority of Michigan House Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
votes against the majority of Michigan House Democrats
Party unity 97.9%, Michigan House average 93.2%, ranks 55th of 110. 642 roll calls in the MI 2025–26 session.
The thick bar is Wilson, the thin grey bar the Michigan House average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
| Row | Wilson | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 100% | 99.9% |
| Party unity | 97.9% | 93.2% |
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the MI 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Aug 26, 2026 | HB 5648 Education: graduation requirements; credit for working certain trades; provide for. Amends sec. 1278a of 1976 PA 451 (MCL 380.1278a) & adds sec. 1279i. passed; given immediate effect Roll Call #354 Yeas 59 Nays 39 Excused 0 Not Voting 12 | Nay | With majority | pass | D 2–39 · R 57–0Democrats 2 yea, 39 nay; Republicans 57 yea, 0 nay | much discussed |
| Aug 26, 2026 | HB 6243 Property: land sales; prohibition of purchase of residential property by certain businesses; modify. Amends secs. 3 & 7 of 2026 PA 32 (MCL 125.853 & 1125.857). passed; given immediate effect Roll Call #356 Yeas 83 Nays 15 Excused 0 Not Voting 12 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 28–13 · R 55–2Democrats 28 yea, 13 nay; Republicans 55 yea, 2 nay | party crossover |
| Aug 26, 2026 | HB 5359 Individual income tax: credit; credit for certain motor fuel retail dealers; provide for. Amends 1967 PA 281 (MCL 206.1 - 206.847) by adding secs. 279 & 679. passed; given immediate effect Roll Call #359 Yeas 77 Nays 21 Excused 0 Not Voting 12 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 25–16 · R 52–5Democrats 25 yea, 16 nay; Republicans 52 yea, 5 nay | party crossover |
| Aug 26, 2026 | HB 5452 Criminal procedure: sentencing; sunset on certain costs that may be imposed upon criminal conviction; modify. Amends sec. 1k, ch. IX of 1927 PA 175 (MCL 769.1k). passed; given immediate effect Roll Call #355 Yeas 84 Nays 14 Excused 0 Not Voting 12 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 28–13 · R 56–1Democrats 28 yea, 13 nay; Republicans 56 yea, 1 nay | party crossover |
| Aug 26, 2026 | HB 5356 Vehicles: title; requirements for transfer of title by a dealer; provide for. Amends 14, 41a, 78, 217, 217c, 233, 233a, 233b, 234, 238, 239, 240, 248, 248a, 248j, 249, 250, 258, 801b, 806 & 810a of 1949 PA 300 (MCL 257.14 et seq.) & adds sec. 9b. passed; given immediate effect Roll Call #358 Yeas 82 Nays 16 Excused 0 Not Voting 12 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 29–12 · R 53–4Democrats 29 yea, 12 nay; Republicans 53 yea, 4 nay | party crossover |
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
The colleagues who voted the same way as Wilson most often
The colleagues who voted the same way as Wilson least often
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
MI 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Wilson sponsored 20 bills in the MI 2025–26 session; none became law. Cosponsored 503 others. 15% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Michigan House average 32%; 84th of 107).
The bills Wilson sponsored and cosponsored in the MI 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the MI 2025–26 session
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 20 | 20 | 3 | 0 | 0 |
| Cosponsored | 503 | 503 | 98 | 15 | 15 |
Ink blocks are bills Wilson sponsored, ochre blocks bills Wilson cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Michigan House average 32%. Ranks 84th of 107.
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Wilson, by number of shared bills in the MI 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Wilson’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| HB 6307 | Consumer protection: other; procedures relating to investigative demands; establish. Amends sec. 15 of 1976 PA 331 (MCL 445.915) & adds sec. 8a. | Cosponsor | Aug 27, 2026 | In committee | Commerce(model) | bill electronically reproduced 08/27/2026 Sep 1, 2026 |
| HB 6279 | Corrections: state facilities; certain health and safety standards in state correctional facilities; provide for. Amends 1953 PA 232 (MCL 791.201 - 791.285) by adding secs. 67c, 67e & 67f. | Cosponsor | Aug 27, 2026 | In committee | Crime and Law Enforcement(model) | bill electronically reproduced 08/27/2026 Sep 1, 2026 |
| HB 6292 | Health occupations: physicians; Michigan doctors in underserved, rural, and systemic equity settings (MIDOCS) program; establish. Amends 1978 PA 368 (MCL 333.1101 - 333.25211) by adding pt. 27B. | Cosponsor | Aug 27, 2026 | In committee | Health(model) | bill electronically reproduced 08/27/2026 Sep 1, 2026 |
| HB 6306 | Consumer protection: other; applicability and enforcement of consumer protection act; expand. Amends title & secs. 2, 5 & 10 of 1976 PA 331 (MCL 445.902 et seq.) & adds secs. 5a & 21a. | Cosponsor | Aug 27, 2026 | In committee | Commerce(model) | bill electronically reproduced 08/27/2026 Sep 1, 2026 |
| HB 6318 | Elections: voters; denying the right to vote on the basis of sex; prohibit. Amends 1954 PA 116 (MCL 168.1 - 168.992) by adding sec. 492c. | Cosponsor | Aug 27, 2026 | In committee | Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues(model) | bill electronically reproduced 08/27/2026 Sep 1, 2026 |
A site that has not changed in 90 days. Wilson’s official site had 0 pages when last crawled.
The lab crawls Wilson’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Wilson posts with a vision model.
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
No images from Wilson’s posts have been described.
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which Wilson is most unusual among State House Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab