Bipartisanship
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Aug 12, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · bipartisanship · Source
71%
of sponsored bills got out of committee, in the top tenth of the Arizona House
71% of 24 sponsored bills got out of committee; the average for the Arizona House is 34%. Ranks 6th of 56, where 1st is the highest share.
The share of bills Carbone sponsored that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, ranked within the Arizona House. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position as well as effort.
At a glance
6 measures against State House Republicans. 83% of Carbone’s itemized money in the 2026 cycle came from Arizona, in the bottom quarter of State House Republicans. Carbone reported $116.9K in the 2026 cycle, in the top quarter of State House Republicans (median $33.7K).
The measures on which Carbone sits furthest from the middle of State House Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Out of committee
71%
Arizona House average 34% · ranks 6th of 56
From Arizona, 2026
83%
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 1870th of 2,335 State House Republicans
Attendance
99.2%
Arizona House average 93.0% · ranks 13th of 60 · 1,672 roll calls
Itemized, 2026
$116.9K
State House Republicans’ median $33.7K · ranks 455th of 2,521
Talk-to-bills agreement
0.62
State House Republicans average 0.53 · ranks 111th of 504
CSIP ideology
+0.21
Right of 0, the centre of the scale · ± 0.04
Peer group: State House Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Carbone, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Carbone is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Carbone says
Carbone attacks opponents personally less than 61% of State House Republicans. Personal attacks in 0.1% of 1,191 statements, against 2.9% for the average State House Republican; 491st of 791.
An AI model reads each of Carbone’s 1,191 statements in the AZ 2025–26 session (1,191 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Republicans and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the AZ 2025–26 session
0%80%
Carbone
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion389 statements
33%
32%
363rd of 791
Credit claiming181 statements
15%
13%
284th of 791
Policy criticism33 statements
3%
9%
562nd of 791
Bipartisanship13 statements
1%
2%
392nd of 791
Personal attacks1 statements
0%
3%
491st of 791
Show the data
| Row | Carbone | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 33% | 32% |
| Credit claiming | 15% | 13% |
| Policy criticism | 3% | 9% |
| Bipartisanship | 1% | 2% |
| Personal attacks | 0% | 3% |
1,191
statements classified
1,191 posts on X.
Show the data
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 1,191 |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is Carbone; the thin grey bar is the average State House Republicans. A longer thick bar means Carbone does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Carbone used no extreme labels in 1,191 statements. The peer average is 1.4%.
No extreme labels in this window.
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
No targets recorded.
What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the AZ 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 40 | 0.0% | 7.5% | 27.5% | 2.5% | 25.0% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’25 | 58 | 0.0% | 5.2% | 27.6% | 3.5% | 17.2% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’25 | 59 | 0.0% | 1.7% | 27.1% | 0.0% | 8.5% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’25 | 84 | 0.0% | 4.8% | 39.3% | 2.4% | 13.1% | 0.0% |
| May ’25 | 66 | 0.0% | 3.0% | 22.7% | 1.5% | 16.7% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’25 | 78 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 24.4% | 2.6% | 6.4% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’25 | 68 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 16.2% | 1.5% | 13.2% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’25 | 54 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 18.5% | 0.0% | 9.3% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’25 | 75 | 1.3% | 0.0% | 24.0% | 1.3% | 9.3% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’25 | 41 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 19.5% | 0.0% | 14.6% | 0.0% |
| Nov ’25 | 45 | 0.0% | 4.4% | 20.0% | 0.0% | 17.8% | 0.0% |
| Dec ’25 | 28 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 25.0% | 0.0% | 25.0% | 0.0% |
| Jan ’26 | 13 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 53.8% | 0.0% | 7.7% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’26 | 52 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 26.9% | 0.0% | 17.3% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’26 | 65 | 0.0% | 1.5% | 21.5% | 1.5% | 10.8% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’26 | 71 | 0.0% | 8.5% | 45.1% | 0.0% | 11.3% | 0.0% |
| May ’26 | 37 | 0.0% | 5.4% | 51.3% | 0.0% | 24.3% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’26 | 26 | 0.0% | 3.9% | 65.4% | 0.0% | 38.5% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’26 | 43 | 0.0% | 7.0% | 46.5% | 2.3% | 14.0% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’26 | 67 | 0.0% | 7.5% | 40.3% | 1.5% | 7.5% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’26 | 60 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 45.0% | 0.0% | 30.0% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’26 | 61 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 63.9% | 0.0% | 22.9% | 0.0% |
How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the AZ 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%.
In Carbone’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Aug 7, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Water Resources Development · Source
Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Sep 18, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · personal attacks; target: Jimmy Kimmel · Source
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Jimmy KimmelSource
All 1,191 statements
Newest first, the AZ 2025–26 session
The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 1,191 posts on X.
Policy
Economics and Public Finance is what Carbone talks about most: 23% of policy statements, 1.9 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.62 on a 0–1 scale (State House Republicans average 0.53; 111th of 504).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Carbone talks about. The bills Carbone sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What Carbone talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the AZ 2025–26 session
0%35%
Carbone
Peers
Economics and Public Finance91 statements
23%
12%
Education64 statements
16%
15%
Government Operations and Politics59 statements
15%
18%
Commerce36 statements
9%
4%
Taxation34 statements
9%
8%
Show the data
| Row | Carbone | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Economics and Public Finance | 23% | 12% |
| Education | 16% | 15% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 15% | 18% |
| Commerce | 9% | 4% |
| Taxation | 9% | 8% |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of Carbone’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State House Republicans averages.
Show the data
| Area | Talks about | State House Republicans, talks about | Legislates on | State House Republicans, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Economics and Public Finance | 23% | 12% | 7% | 2% |
| Education | 16% | 15% | 6% | 9% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 15% | 18% | 16% | 12% |
| Commerce | 9% | 4% | 2% | 3% |
| Taxation | 9% | 8% | 13% | 11% |
0.62
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State House Republicans average 0.53. Ranks 111th of 504.
What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Carbone legislates on exactly the areas Carbone talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Carbone sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology
Carbone sits at +0.21 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more liberal than 73% of State House Republicans. Approximate range +0.17 to +0.24, which understates the uncertainty; from 202 donors and 590 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
+0.21
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +0.17 to +0.24. From 202 donors and 590 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Carbone, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Carbone’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Carbone sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
State House Republicans2,917 · median +0.4
Arizona House60 · median +0.2
All State House5,324 · median +0.1
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Carbone |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Republicans | 2917 | +0.4 | 27% |
| Arizona House | 60 | +0.2 | 47% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 60% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Carbone in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Carbone.
Money
Carbone reported $116.9K in the 2026 cycle, 3.5 times the State House Republicans’ median of $33.7K. State filings report no small-donation total. 83% of itemized individual money came from Arizona.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
$116.9K
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 120 itemized donors. State House Republicans’ median $33.7K.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
- Individuals (itemized)50 squares$58.9K
- PACs and other committees50 squares$58.0K
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $58.9K | 50.4% |
| PACs and other committees | $58.0K | 49.6% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Receipts by cycle
Itemized contributions, 2022 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Republicans’ median for 2026.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2022 cycle | $43.6K |
| 2024 cycle | $109.0K |
| 2026 cycle | $116.9K |
Top donor states, 2026
Itemized contributions by donor state. 83% came from Arizona.
- Arizona$49.0K
- New York$2,500
- Texas$2,500
- Connecticut$1,250
- North Carolina$1,000
Small donations
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Arizona | $49.0K |
| New York | $2,500 |
| Texas | $2,500 |
| Connecticut | $1,250 |
| California | $1,000 |
| North Carolina | $1,000 |
| Virginia | $750 |
| Colorado | $500 |
| Minnesota | $300 |
| Tennessee | $100 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Florida | No data |
120
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
83%
from Arizona
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Arizona. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- CONSULTANT$9,600 21 donors
- SELF$6,750 4 donors
- ATTORNEY$3,500 7 donors
- OWNER$3,250 5 donors
- RETIRED$3,250 5 donors
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
- ELEVANCE HEALTH, INC. POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE (ELEVANCE HEALTH PAC)$5,500
- CVS HEALTH PAC$3,500
- REALTORS OF ARIZONA$3,500
- AZ SOCIETY OF CPA'S PAC$2,250
- UNION PACIFIC CORPORATION FUND FOR EFFECTIVE GOVERNMENT$2,000
Top employers
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- VERIDUS$3,300 8 donors
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
Carbone voted with the majority of Arizona House Republicans on 96.7% of party-line votes and missed 0.8% of 1,672 roll calls. Arizona House on average: 93.3% party unity, 93.0% attendance. Across all roll calls, Carbone voted against the majority of Arizona House Republicans 41 times.
1,672 roll calls Carbone could vote on in the AZ 2025–26 session, compared with Arizona House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Carbone voted with the majority of Arizona House Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
41
votes against the majority of Arizona House Republicans
Party unity 96.7%, Arizona House average 93.3%, ranks 16th of 60. 1,672 roll calls in the AZ 2025–26 session.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Carbone, the thin grey bar the Arizona House average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
80%100%
Carbone
Peers
Rank
Attendance
99.2%
93.0%
13th of 60
Party unity
96.7%
93.3%
16th of 60
Show the data
| Row | Carbone | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 99.2% | 93.0% |
| Party unity | 96.7% | 93.3% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the AZ 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jun 13, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 0–22 · R 31–0Democrats 0 yea, 22 nay; Republicans 31 yea, 0 nay | much discussed | |
| Jun 13, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 17–5 · R 30–0Democrats 17 yea, 5 nay; Republicans 30 yea, 0 nay | became law · party crossover | |
| Jun 13, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 2–20 · R 31–0Democrats 2 yea, 20 nay; Republicans 31 yea, 0 nay | became law | |
| Jun 13, 2026 | Yea | With majority | fail | D 2–20 · R 19–12Democrats 2 yea, 20 nay; Republicans 19 yea, 12 nay | party crossover | |
| Jun 13, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 5–17 · R 31–0Democrats 5 yea, 17 nay; Republicans 31 yea, 0 nay | became law · party crossover |
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Carbone most often
- James TaylorR1,625 shared votes98%
- Steve MontenegroR1,651 shared votes98%
- Michele PeñaR1,586 shared votes98%
- Chris LopezR1,566 shared votes98%
- Selina BlissR1,650 shared votes98%
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Carbone least often
- Mariana SandovalD1,622 shared votes37%
- Anna AbeytiaD1,265 shared votes39%
- Quantá CrewsD1,423 shared votes42%
- Brian GarciaD1,514 shared votes42%
- Aaron MárquezD1,623 shared votes43%
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
AZ 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Legislation
Carbone sponsored 24 bills in the AZ 2025–26 session; 4 became law. Cosponsored 134 others. 71% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Arizona House average 34%; 6th of 56).
The bills Carbone sponsored and cosponsored in the AZ 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the AZ 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 24 | 19 | 17 | 13 | 4 |
| Cosponsored | 134 | 111 | 102 | 72 | 28 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Carbone sponsored, ochre blocks bills Carbone cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
71%
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Arizona House average 34%. Ranks 6th of 56.
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Carbone, by number of shared bills in the AZ 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
- Steve Montenegro61
- Julie Willoughby56
- Neal Carter51
- David Livingston46
- Leo Biasiucci31
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Carbone’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| HCR 2063 | Yvonne Fedderson; death resolution | Cosponsor | Jun 13, 2026 | Introduced | Unassigned | House First Reading. Jun 13, 2026 |
| HR 2008 | Daniel Kayde Blackman; death resolution | Cosponsor | Jun 10, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Transmit to Secretary of State Jun 10, 2026 |
| HB 4161 | higher education; 2026-2027 | Cosponsor | Jun 9, 2026 | Became law | Education(model) | Signed by Governor Jun 13, 2026 |
| HB 4159 | environment; 2026-2027 | Cosponsor | Jun 9, 2026 | Became law | Environmental Protection(model) | Signed by Governor Jun 13, 2026 |
| HB 4155 | amusements; 2026-2027 | Cosponsor | Jun 9, 2026 | Became law | Commerce(model) | Signed by Governor Jun 13, 2026 |
Online
A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Carbone’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Carbone’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Carbone posts with a vision model.
Websites
Official site
www.azleg.gov/House/House-member/?legislature=56&session=128&legislator=2153Last crawled Oct 1, 2026
1pages crawled
1changes in 90 days
- 33
pages crawled
14changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
Images Carbone posted
No images from Carbone’s posts have been described.
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
State floor speeches
172 turns, Jan 9, 2023 to Jun 12, 2026
Floor speeches
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Carbone is most unusual among State House Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- 8db06598-a7e1-4b25-9e76-6a2be0d9eae3
- Open States
- ocd-person/8db06598-a7e1-4b25-9e76-6a2be0d9eae3
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
- Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
- Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab