Attendance 75%; the average within the Texas House is 93.1%. Ranks 143rd of 143, where 1st has the highest attendance. 3,687 roll calls in the TX 2025–26 session.
Attendance is the share of the roll calls Gervin-Hawkins could vote on where a yea, nay or present was recorded, ranked within the Texas House. A missed vote has many causes, from illness to campaigning; the number says how often, not why.
At a glance
6 measures against the Texas House. 100% of Gervin-Hawkins’s itemized money in the 2026 cycle came from Texas, in the top tenth of State House Democrats. 29% of the 59 bills Gervin-Hawkins sponsored got out of committee, in the bottom quarter of the Texas House.
The measures on which Gervin-Hawkins sits furthest from the middle of the Texas House, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Attendance
Texas House average 93.1% · ranks 143rd of 143 · 3,687 roll calls
From Texas, 2026
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 195th of 1,983 State House Democrats
Out of committee
Texas House average 49% · ranks 130th of 145
CSIP ideology
More conservative than 83% of State House Democrats · ± 0.04
Itemized, 2026
State House Democrats’ median $40.4K · ranks 543rd of 2,082
Party unity
Texas House average 85% · ranks 76th of 143 · 102 votes against the majority of Texas House Democrats
Peer group: Texas House. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Gervin-Hawkins, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Gervin-Hawkins is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Gervin-Hawkins says
No statements for the TX 2025–26 session.No classified statements (posts, press releases, newsletters, floor speeches) in this time window.
Policy
No policy statements for the TX 2025–26 session.No classified statements (posts, press releases, newsletters, floor speeches) in this time window.
Ideology
Gervin-Hawkins sits at −0.39 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more conservative than 83% of State House Democrats. Approximate range −0.43 to −0.35, which understates the uncertainty; from 677 donors and 759 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −0.43 to −0.35. From 677 donors and 759 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Gervin-Hawkins, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Gervin-Hawkins’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Gervin-Hawkins sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Gervin-Hawkins |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Democrats | 2392 | −0.6 | 83% |
| Texas House | 148 | +0.3 | 28% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 38% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Gervin-Hawkins in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Gervin-Hawkins.
Money
Gervin-Hawkins reported $97.7K in the 2026 cycle, 2.4 times the State House Democrats’ median of $40.4K. State filings report no small-donation total. 100% of itemized individual money came from Texas.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 9 itemized donors. State House Democrats’ median $40.4K.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
- Individuals (itemized)5 squares$4,800
- PACs and other committees95 squares$92.9K
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $4,800 | 4.9% |
| PACs and other committees | $92.9K | 95.1% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Receipts by cycle
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Democrats’ median for 2026.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $121.2K |
| 2022 cycle | $131.9K |
| 2024 cycle | $120.0K |
| 2026 cycle | $97.7K |
Top donor states, 2026
Itemized contributions by donor state. 100% came from Texas.
- Texas$4,800
Small donations
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Texas | $4,800 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Florida | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from Texas
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Texas. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- RETIRED$2,300 4 donors
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
- TEXAS SANDS PAC$30.0K
- TEXAS TRAIL LAWYERS ASSOC PAC$25.0K
- LEGACY 44$16.0K
- TEXAS TRIAL LAWYERS ASSOC. PAC$5,000
- TREPAC/TEXAS ASSOC OF REALTORS PAC$2,500
Top employers
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- UNKNOWN$1,000 3 donors
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
Gervin-Hawkins voted with the majority of Texas House Democrats on 89% of party-line votes and missed 25% of 3,687 roll calls. Texas House on average: 85% party unity, 93.1% attendance. Across all roll calls, Gervin-Hawkins voted against the majority of Texas House Democrats 102 times.
3,687 roll calls Gervin-Hawkins could vote on in the TX 2025–26 session, compared with Texas House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Gervin-Hawkins voted with the majority of Texas House Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
votes against the majority of Texas House Democrats
Party unity 89%, Texas House average 85%, ranks 76th of 143. 3,687 roll calls in the TX 2025–26 session.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Gervin-Hawkins, the thin grey bar the Texas House average. The scale runs from 70% to 100% to show the gap.
Show the data
| Row | Gervin-Hawkins | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 75% | 93.1% |
| Party unity | 89% | 85% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the TX 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sep 3, 2025 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 44–1 · R 46–37Democrats 44 yea, 1 nay; Republicans 46 yea, 37 nay | became law · party crossover · much discussed | |
| Sep 3, 2025 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 45–0 · R 76–8Democrats 45 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 76 yea, 8 nay | became law · much discussed | |
| Sep 3, 2025 | HB 8 Relating to public school accountability and transparency, including the implementation of an instructionally supportive assessment program and the adoption and administration of assessment instruments in public schools, indicators of achievement, public school performance ratings, and interventions passage | Nay | With majority | pass | D 1–40 · R 78–7Democrats 1 yea, 40 nay; Republicans 78 yea, 7 nay | became law · much discussed |
| Sep 3, 2025 | SB 5 Relating to making supplemental appropriations for disaster relief and preparedness and giving direction and adjustment authority regarding those appropriations. adopt the conference committee report on SB 5. | Yea | With majority | pass | D 43–0 · R 86–0Democrats 43 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 86 yea, 0 nay | became law · much discussed |
| Sep 3, 2025 | HB 8 Relating to public school accountability and transparency, including the implementation of an instructionally supportive assessment program and the adoption and administration of assessment instruments in public schools, indicators of achievement, public school performance ratings, and interventions passage | Yea | With majority | pass | D 45–1 · R 41–41Democrats 45 yea, 1 nay; Republicans 41 yea, 41 nay | became law · party crossover · much discussed |
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Gervin-Hawkins most often
- Senfronia ThompsonD2,654 shared votes96%
- Josey GarciaD2,406 shared votes96%
- Vince PerezD2,694 shared votes96%
- Alma AllenD2,400 shared votes96%
- Liz CamposD2,301 shared votes96%
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Gervin-Hawkins least often
- Brian HarrisonR2,674 shared votes51%
- Briscoe CainR2,536 shared votes52%
- David LoweR2,694 shared votes52%
- Mike OlcottR2,609 shared votes52%
- Steve TothR2,649 shared votes55%
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
TX 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Legislation
Gervin-Hawkins sponsored 59 bills in the TX 2025–26 session; 8 became law. Cosponsored 24 others. 29% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Texas House average 49%; 130th of 145).
The bills Gervin-Hawkins sponsored and cosponsored in the TX 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the TX 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 59 | 50 | 17 | 8 | 8 |
| Cosponsored | 24 | 24 | 17 | 10 | 7 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Gervin-Hawkins sponsored, ochre blocks bills Gervin-Hawkins cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Texas House average 49%. Ranks 130th of 145.
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Gervin-Hawkins, by number of shared bills in the TX 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
- John Lujan7
- Lulu Flores5
- Trey Martinez Fischer4
- Giovanni Capriglione4
- Salman Bhojani4
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Gervin-Hawkins’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| HR 86 | In memory of the 13 victims of catastrophic flooding that occurred in San Antonio on June 11 and 12, 2025. | Sponsor | Aug 27, 2025 | Passed one chamber | Unassigned | Reported enrolled Sep 2, 2025 |
| HB 294 | Relating to an exemption from ad valorem taxation of the amount of the appraised value of certain residential real property that arises from the installation in the property of certain energy efficiency-related improvements. | Sponsor | Aug 25, 2025 | Introduced | Taxation(model) | Filed Aug 25, 2025 |
| HJR 38 | Proposing a constitutional amendment to authorize the legislature to provide for an exemption from ad valorem taxation of the amount of the market value of residential real property that arises from the installation in the property of certain energy efficiency-related improvements. | Sponsor | Aug 25, 2025 | Introduced | Taxation(model) | Filed Aug 25, 2025 |
| HB 71 | Relating to emergency preparedness requirements for youth camps, camps, and entities that provide high-risk activities for minors; authorizing a civil penalty. | Sponsor | Aug 15, 2025 | In committee | Emergency Management(model) | Left pending in committee Aug 22, 2025 |
| HB 65 | Relating to memorial plaques for the victims of the 2025 Hill Country flood. | Sponsor | Aug 15, 2025 | Introduced | Unassigned | Filed Aug 15, 2025 |
Online
A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Gervin-Hawkins’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Gervin-Hawkins’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Gervin-Hawkins posts with a vision model.
Websites
- 1
pages crawled
1changes in 90 days
- 1
pages crawled
0changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
Images Gervin-Hawkins posted
No images from Gervin-Hawkins’s posts have been described.
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
State floor speeches
No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.
Floor speeches
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Gervin-Hawkins is most unusual among Texas House, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- 9c37e80d-af10-4433-a78a-408b2b798fb6
- Open States
- ocd-person/9c37e80d-af10-4433-a78a-408b2b798fb6
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
- Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
- Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab