Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Aug 20, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Education · Source

4.4% of 275 statements contain a personal attack (12 statements); the average for State House Democrats is 2.5%. Ranks 151st of 764, where 1st is the highest rate.
An AI model reads each of Blumenthal’s posts on X and marks whether it attacks a person’s character, integrity or loyalty. The rate is the share of statements marked; it is compared with the average among State House Democrats and ranked against the same group.
6 measures against State House Democrats. 18% of Blumenthal’s statements criticize a policy, 1.7 times the State House Democrat average of 10%. Blumenthal reported $9,081 in the 2026 cycle, in the bottom quarter of State House Democrats (median $40.4K).
The measures on which Blumenthal sits furthest from the middle of State House Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Party unity
Connecticut House average 95.0% · ranks 2nd of 151 · 4 votes against the majority of Connecticut House Democrats
Personal attacks
State House Democrats average 2.5% · ranks 151st of 764
Policy criticism
State House Democrats average 10% · ranks 152nd of 764
Itemized, 2026
State House Democrats’ median $40.4K · ranks 1643rd of 2,082
CSIP ideology
More liberal than 74% of State House Democrats · ± 0.06
Extreme labels
State House Democrats average 1.0% · ranks 202nd of 764
Peer group: State House Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Blumenthal, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Blumenthal is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Blumenthal stresses bipartisanship about as often as the median State House Democrat. Bipartisanship in 1.5% of 275 statements, against 2.9% for the average State House Democrat; 449th of 764.
An AI model reads each of Blumenthal’s 275 statements in the CT 2025–26 session (275 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Democrats and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the CT 2025–26 session
| Row | Blumenthal | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 45% | 39% |
| Policy criticism | 18% | 10% |
| Credit claiming | 17% | 14% |
| Personal attacks | 4% | 3% |
| Bipartisanship | 1% | 3% |
statements classified
275 posts on X.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 275 |
The thick bar is Blumenthal; the thin grey bar is the average State House Democrats. A longer thick bar means Blumenthal does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Blumenthal used extreme labels in 1.1% of statements, close to the peer average. 3 statements, most often aimed at Trump supporter; peers 1.0%.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the CT 2025–26 session
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 45 | 6.7% | 15.6% | 40.0% | 0.0% | 20.0% | 2.2% |
| Feb ’25 | 30 | 0.0% | 20.0% | 40.0% | 3.3% | 23.3% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’25 | 40 | 5.0% | 12.5% | 40.0% | 0.0% | 15.0% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’25 | 24 | 12.5% | 20.8% | 37.5% | 0.0% | 8.3% | 0.0% |
| May ’25 | 16 | 0.0% | 12.5% | 37.5% | 0.0% | 25.0% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’25 | 18 | 5.6% | 27.8% | 50.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 5.6% |
| Jul ’25 | 11 | 0.0% | 18.2% | 63.6% | 0.0% | 36.4% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’25 | 7 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’25 | 21 | 0.0% | 28.6% | 42.9% | 4.8% | 4.8% | 4.8% |
| Oct ’25 | 11 | 9.1% | 45.5% | 54.5% | 0.0% | 18.2% | 0.0% |
| Nov ’25 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Dec ’25 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jan ’26 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Feb ’26 | 6 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Mar ’26 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Apr ’26 | 5 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| May ’26 | 6 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jun ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jul ’26 | 7 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’26 | 8 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Oct ’26 | 8 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the CT 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 13 months are hatched here; 2 of them have no statements.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Aug 20, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Education · Source
Bipartisanship
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
May 7, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; bipartisanship; credit claiming; Government Operations and Politics · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Sep 11, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · bipartisanship; extreme label “extreme” aimed at Trump supporter · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: White HouseSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · credit claiming · Law · target: Alex JonesSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Alex JonesSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy criticism · policy discussion · Crime and Law Enforcement · Immigration · target: ICESource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Alex JonesSource
Newest first, the CT 2025–26 session
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 275 posts on X.
Government Operations and Politics is what Blumenthal talks about most: 23% of policy statements, above the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.50 on a 0–1 scale (State House Democrats average 0.54; 333rd of 503).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Blumenthal talks about. The bills Blumenthal sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
Share of policy statements by area, the CT 2025–26 session
| Row | Blumenthal | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Government Operations and Politics | 23% | 15% |
| Law | 15% | 2% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 14% | 10% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 11% | 3% |
| Immigration | 11% | 4% |
The thick bar is the share of Blumenthal’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the State House Democrats averages.
| Area | Talks about | State House Democrats, talks about | Legislates on | State House Democrats, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Government Operations and Politics | 23% | 15% | 15% | 8% |
| Law | 15% | 2% | 3% | 2% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 14% | 10% | 12% | 4% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 11% | 3% | 0% | 1% |
| Immigration | 11% | 4% | 0% | 1% |
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State House Democrats average 0.54. Ranks 333rd of 503.
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Blumenthal legislates on exactly the areas Blumenthal talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Blumenthal sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Blumenthal sits at −0.79 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more liberal than 74% of State House Democrats. Approximate range −0.85 to −0.74, which understates the uncertainty; from 434 donors and 401 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −0.85 to −0.74. From 434 donors and 401 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Blumenthal, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Blumenthal’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Blumenthal |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Democrats | 2392 | −0.6 | 26% |
| Connecticut House | 151 | −0.7 | 38% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 12% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Blumenthal in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Blumenthal.
Blumenthal reported $9,081 in the 2026 cycle, 22% of the State House Democrats’ median of $40.4K. State filings report no small-donation total. 89% of itemized individual money came from Connecticut.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 179 itemized donors. State House Democrats’ median $40.4K.
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $9,081 | 100.0% |
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Democrats’ median for 2026.
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $6,975 |
| 2022 cycle | $7,225 |
| 2024 cycle | $7,145 |
| 2026 cycle | $9,081 |
Itemized contributions by donor state. 89% came from Connecticut.
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Connecticut | $8,051 |
| Massachusetts | $680 |
| New York | $200 |
| Maryland | $100 |
| Kentucky | $50 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
| Florida | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from Connecticut
Of itemized individual dollars
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Connecticut. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
No committee contributions this cycle.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Blumenthal voted with the majority of Connecticut House Democrats on 100% of party-line votes and missed 1.1% of 754 roll calls. Connecticut House on average: 95.0% party unity, 96.7% attendance. Across all roll calls, Blumenthal voted against the majority of Connecticut House Democrats 4 times.
754 roll calls Blumenthal could vote on in the CT 2025–26 session, compared with Connecticut House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Blumenthal voted with the majority of Connecticut House Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
votes against the majority of Connecticut House Democrats
Party unity 100%, Connecticut House average 95.0%, ranks 2nd of 151. 754 roll calls in the CT 2025–26 session.
The thick bar is Blumenthal, the thin grey bar the Connecticut House average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
| Row | Blumenthal | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 98.9% | 96.7% |
| Party unity | 100% | 95.0% |
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the CT 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| May 6, 2026 | SB 391 AN ACT CONCERNING THE AVAILABILITY OF BREAST CANCER SCREENING, DIAGNOSIS AND TREATMENT SERVICES FOR WOMEN COMMITTED TO THE CUSTODY OF THE DEPARTMENT OF CORRECTION. House Roll Call Vote | Yea | With majority | pass | D 101–0 · R 49–0Democrats 101 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 49 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| May 6, 2026 | HB 5563 AN ACT CONCERNING VARIOUS CRIMINAL LAW AND CRIMINAL JUSTICE PROPOSALS, CERTIFICATES OF APPROVAL FOR AIRPORTS, HELIPORTS, VERTIPORTS, RESTRICTED LANDING AREAS AND OTHER AIR NAVIGATION FACILITIES, POLICE COLLABORATION WITH SOCIAL WORKERS, SURVEILLANCE PRICING, EDUCATION COST SHARING AND WITHHOLDING OF House Roll Call Vote | Yea | With majority | pass | D 101–0 · R 49–0Democrats 101 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 49 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| May 6, 2026 | SB 307 AN ACT CONCERNING THE DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMIC AND COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT'S RECOMMENDATIONS FOR REVISIONS TO THE COMMERCE STATUTES AND PROHIBITING SCHOLARSHIP DISPLACEMENT FOR CERTAIN STUDENTS AT PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS OF HIGHER EDUCATION. House Roll Call Vote | Yea | With majority | pass | D 100–0 · R 49–0Democrats 100 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 49 yea, 0 nay | became law |
| May 6, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 101–0 · R 47–2Democrats 101 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 47 yea, 2 nay | became law | |
| May 6, 2026 | SB 220 AN ACT CONCERNING STUDENT LITERACY, ASPIRING EDUCATORS, AMERICAN SIGN LANGUAGE AS PART OF THE WORLD LANGUAGES CURRICULUM AND THE PARAEDUCATOR HEALTH BENEFIT PLAN SUBSIDY PROGRAM. House Roll Call Vote | Yea | With majority | pass | D 100–1 · R 49–0Democrats 100 yea, 1 nay; Republicans 49 yea, 0 nay | became law |
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
The colleagues who voted the same way as Blumenthal most often
The colleagues who voted the same way as Blumenthal least often
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
CT 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Blumenthal sponsored 33 bills in the CT 2025–26 session; 8 became law. Cosponsored 0 others. 33% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Connecticut House average 35%; 75th of 150).
The bills Blumenthal sponsored and cosponsored in the CT 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the CT 2025–26 session
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 33 | 33 | 11 | 8 | 8 |
| Cosponsored | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
Ink blocks are bills Blumenthal sponsored, ochre blocks bills Blumenthal cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Connecticut House average 35%. Ranks 75th of 150.
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Blumenthal, by number of shared bills in the CT 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Blumenthal’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| HB 5567 | AN ACT CONCERNING HEALTH CARE IN THE DEPARTMENT OF CORRECTION FACILITIES. | Sponsor | Mar 25, 2026 | Became law | Health(model) | SIGNED BY GOVERNOR May 26, 2026 |
| SB 295 | AN ACT CONCERNING STATE LAW PROTECTIONS FOR HEALTH CARE PROVIDERS AND PATIENTS RELATED TO THE PROVISION OF A LEGALLY PROTECTED HEALTH CARE ACTIVITY. | Sponsor | Mar 24, 2026 | In committee | Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues(model) | FILE NO. 560 Apr 9, 2026 |
| SB 91 | AN ACT ENHANCING THE INVESTIGATIVE AUTHORITY OF THE INSPECTOR GENERAL AND ESTABLISHING PROTECTED AREAS. | Sponsor | Mar 24, 2026 | In committee | Crime and Law Enforcement(model) | FILE NO. 491 Apr 8, 2026 |
| SB 397 | AN ACT CONCERNING DEMOCRACY AND GOVERNMENT ACCOUNTABILITY AND THE USE AND RETENTION OF DATA DERIVED FROM AUTOMATED LICENSE PLATE READER SYSTEMS. | Sponsor | Mar 24, 2026 | Became law | Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues(model) | TRANSMITTED TO SECRETARY OF THE STATE May 6, 2026 |
| HB 5449 | AN ACT CONCERNING AUTOMATED LICENSE PLATE READER SYSTEMS. | Sponsor | Mar 24, 2026 | In committee | Crime and Law Enforcement(model) | FILE NO. 536 Apr 9, 2026 |
A site that changed 2 times in 90 days. Blumenthal’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Blumenthal’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Blumenthal posts with a vision model.
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
No images from Blumenthal’s posts have been described.
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
1,514 turns, Feb 26, 2020 to May 6, 2026
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which Blumenthal is most unusual among State House Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab