Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Aug 21, 2026 · Posts on X · policy criticism; policy discussion; Agriculture and Food; Foreign Trade and International Finance · Source
78%
of statements discuss policy, in the top quarter of House Republicans
78% of 845 statements discuss policy (659 statements); the average for House Republicans is 68%. Ranks 31st of 221, where 1st is the highest rate.
An AI model reads each of Johnson’s posts on X, press releases, newsletters and Congressional Record speeches and marks whether it discusses a specific policy. The rate is the share of statements marked; it is compared with the average among House Republicans and ranked against the same group.
At a glance
6 measures against House Republicans. 0.9% of Johnson’s individual money in the 2026 cycle came in gifts of $200 or less, in the bottom quarter of House Republicans (median 9.4%). 71% of Johnson’s itemized money in the 2026 cycle came from South Dakota, in the top quarter of House Republicans.
The measures on which Johnson sits furthest from the middle of House Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Policy discussion
78%
House Republicans average 68% · ranks 31st of 221
Small donations, 2026
0.9%
House Republicans’ median 9.4% · ranks 196th of 220
From South Dakota, 2026
71%
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 40th of 216 House Republicans
Attendance
95.2%
House Republicans average 96.3% · ranks 175th of 221 · 674 roll calls
Credit claiming
46%
House Republicans average 37% · ranks 53rd of 221
CSIP ideology
+0.90
Right of 0, the centre of the scale · ± 0.01
Peer group: House Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Johnson, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Johnson is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Johnson says
Johnson attacks opponents personally less than 69% of House Republicans. Personal attacks in 0.5% of 845 statements, against 2.1% for the average House Republican; 154th of 221.
An AI model reads each of Johnson’s 845 statements in the 119th Congress (607 posts on X, 108 press releases, 77 newsletters, 53 Congressional Record speeches) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for House Republicans and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the 119th Congress
0%80%
Johnson
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion659 statements
78%
68%
31st of 221
Credit claiming389 statements
46%
37%
53rd of 221
Policy criticism160 statements
19%
15%
57th of 221
Bipartisanship84 statements
10%
9%
73rd of 221
Personal attacks4 statements
0%
2%
154th of 221
Show the data
| Row | Johnson | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 78% | 68% |
| Credit claiming | 46% | 37% |
| Policy criticism | 19% | 15% |
| Bipartisanship | 10% | 9% |
| Personal attacks | 0% | 2% |
845
statements classified
607 posts on X, 108 press releases, 77 newsletters, 53 Congressional Record speeches.
Show the data
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 607 |
| press releases | 108 |
| newsletters | 77 |
| Congressional Record speeches | 53 |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is Johnson; the thin grey bar is the average House Republicans. A longer thick bar means Johnson does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Johnson used extreme labels in 1.3% of statements, below the peer average. 11 statements, most often aimed at gender policies; peers 3.0%.
- “radical”5
- “woke”4
- “communist”2
- “extreme”1
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
- gender policies2
- Biden policies1
- Democrats1
- EV mandates1
- gender ideology1
What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the 119th Congress
Show the data
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 48 | 2.1% | 22.9% | 75.0% | 18.8% | 54.2% | 4.2% |
| Feb ’25 | 41 | 2.4% | 39.0% | 80.5% | 29.3% | 43.9% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’25 | 21 | 0.0% | 33.3% | 95.2% | 23.8% | 52.4% | 4.8% |
| Apr ’25 | 37 | 0.0% | 24.3% | 73.0% | 10.8% | 46.0% | 0.0% |
| May ’25 | 74 | 0.0% | 20.3% | 83.8% | 5.4% | 35.1% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’25 | 54 | 0.0% | 22.2% | 81.5% | 5.6% | 46.3% | 5.6% |
| Jul ’25 | 49 | 0.0% | 22.4% | 85.7% | 8.2% | 61.2% | 4.1% |
| Aug ’25 | 38 | 0.0% | 7.9% | 84.2% | 5.3% | 60.5% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’25 | 46 | 0.0% | 17.4% | 71.7% | 17.4% | 54.4% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’25 | 43 | 0.0% | 32.6% | 74.4% | 9.3% | 41.9% | 0.0% |
| Nov ’25 | 35 | 5.7% | 11.4% | 68.6% | 8.6% | 42.9% | 0.0% |
| Dec ’25 | 60 | 0.0% | 18.3% | 80.0% | 13.3% | 55.0% | 1.7% |
| Jan ’26 | 44 | 0.0% | 13.6% | 75.0% | 4.5% | 31.8% | 2.3% |
| Feb ’26 | 43 | 0.0% | 11.6% | 60.5% | 7.0% | 34.9% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’26 | 51 | 0.0% | 15.7% | 80.4% | 9.8% | 47.1% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’26 | 43 | 0.0% | 14.0% | 88.4% | 4.7% | 51.2% | 0.0% |
| May ’26 | 53 | 0.0% | 18.9% | 77.4% | 7.5% | 45.3% | 1.9% |
| Jun ’26 | 19 | 0.0% | 5.3% | 52.6% | 0.0% | 36.8% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’26 | 17 | 0.0% | 11.8% | 76.5% | 0.0% | 29.4% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’26 | 8 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’26 | 9 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Oct ’26 | 12 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 66.7% | 8.3% | 58.3% | 0.0% |
How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the 119th Congress, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 2 months are hatched here.
In Johnson’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Personal attacks
The Big Three: Affordable and Reliable Energy | November 21, 2025 Dear , Affordable and Reliable Energy BIG News Jeffrey Epstein committed heinous, evil crimes. I voted to release the Epstein files, which is something I've supported for a while. We all want transparency and for any person found gui…
Nov 21, 2025 · Newsletters · personal attacks; policy discussion; credit claiming; Crime and Law Enforcement; Foreign Trade and International Finance; Health; Energy; Armed Forces and National Security; target: Jeffrey Epstein
Extreme label
The Big Three: Protecting our Kids, Protecting our Land | May 29, 2026 Dear , Protecting our Kids, Protecting our Land BIG Update There was once an Olympic marathon runner who was injured during the race but kept going, finishing the race long after the closing ceremony. Why did he keep going? His…
May 29, 2026 · Newsletters · policy discussion; credit claiming; Education; Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues; Agriculture and Food; Armed Forces and National Security; Foreign Trade and International Finance; extreme label “woke” aimed at gender ideology
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Newsletters
The Big Three: Affordable and Reliable Energy | November 21, 2025 Dear , Affordable and Reliable Energy BIG News Jeffrey Epstein committed heinous, evil crimes. I voted to release the Epstein files, which is something I've supported for a while. We all want transparency and for any person found guilty to face the full force of justice. My heart goes out to the victims, and I hope proper action is taken to protect th…
personal attacks · policy discussion · credit claiming · Crime and Law Enforcement · Foreign Trade and International Finance · Health · Energy · Armed Forces and National Security · target: Jeffrey Epstein
Press releases
Johnson Votes to Release Epstein Files Washington, D.C. – Today, U.S. Representative Dusty Johnson (R-S.D.) voted to release the Epstein files. “Jeffrey Epstein committed heinous, evil crimes. I voted to release the Epstein files, which I’ve consistently supported for months,” said Johnson. “We all want transparency, and for any person found guilty to face the full force of justice. My heart goes out to the victims,…
personal attacks · policy discussion · credit claiming · Crime and Law Enforcement · Government Operations and Politics · target: Jeffrey EpsteinSource
Posts on X
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacksSource
Press releases
Johnson Condemns Biden’s Commutation of Peltier’s Sentence Washington, D.C. – Today, U.S. Representative Dusty Johnson (R-S.D.) issued the following statement after President Biden announced a commutation of Leonard Peltier’s sentence: This commutation was another unfortunate mistake by the Biden Administration, and I asked the White House not to do this. Leonard Peltier was convicted of killing two federal law enfor…
personal attacks · policy discussion · Crime and Law Enforcement · Law · target: Leonard PeltierSource
All 845 statements
Newest first, the 119th Congress
The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 607 posts on X, 108 press releases, 77 newsletters, 53 Congressional Record speeches.
Policy
Agriculture and Food is what Johnson talks about most: 23% of policy statements, 2.5 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.67 on a 0–1 scale (House Republicans average 0.64; 74th of 221).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Johnson talks about. The bills Johnson sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What Johnson talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the 119th Congress
0%35%
Johnson
Peers
Agriculture and Food150 statements
23%
9%
Government Operations and Politics135 statements
20%
19%
Armed Forces and National Security122 statements
19%
24%
Economics and Public Finance104 statements
16%
19%
Transportation and Public Works84 statements
13%
7%
Show the data
| Row | Johnson | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Agriculture and Food | 23% | 9% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 20% | 19% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 19% | 24% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 16% | 19% |
| Transportation and Public Works | 13% | 7% |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of Johnson’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for House Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the House Republicans averages.
Show the data
| Area | Talks about | House Republicans, talks about | Legislates on | House Republicans, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Agriculture and Food | 23% | 9% | 13% | 3% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 20% | 19% | 7% | 12% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 19% | 24% | 2% | 8% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 16% | 19% | 3% | 2% |
| Transportation and Public Works | 13% | 7% | 10% | 4% |
0.67
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
House Republicans average 0.64. Ranks 74th of 221.
What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Johnson legislates on exactly the areas Johnson talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Johnson sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology
Johnson sits at +0.90 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more liberal than 67% of House Republicans. Approximate range +0.89 to +0.92, which understates the uncertainty; from 2,577 donors and 3,801 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
+0.90
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +0.89 to +0.92. From 2,577 donors and 3,801 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Johnson, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Johnson’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Johnson sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
House Republicans221 · median +1.0
All House439 · median +0.3
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Johnson |
|---|---|---|---|
| House Republicans | 221 | +1.0 | 33% |
| All House | 439 | +0.3 | 66% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Johnson in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Johnson.
Money
Johnson raised $1.4M in the 2026 cycle, below the House Republicans’ median of $2.2M. 0.9% of individual money came in gifts of $200 or less. 71% of itemized individual money came from South Dakota.
Campaign money from Federal Election Commission filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only.
$1.4M
raised in the 2026 cycle
From 450 itemized donors. House Republicans’ median $2.2M.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of 2026-cycle receipts, from FEC summary totals.
- Itemized individual (over $200)57 squares$805.6K
- Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less)1 squares$7,198
- PACs and other committees23 squares$322.4K
- Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds)19 squares$266.4K
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Itemized individual (over $200) | $805.6K | 57.5% |
| Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less) | $7,198 | 0.5% |
| PACs and other committees | $322.4K | 23.0% |
| Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds) | $266.4K | 19.0% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind. The small-donor share understates small giving when a campaign itemizes gifts made through ActBlue or WinRed.
Receipts by cycle
Total receipts, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the House Republicans’ median for 2026.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $1.7M |
| 2022 cycle | $2.6M |
| 2024 cycle | $4.3M |
| 2026 cycle | $1.4M |
Top donor states, 2026
Itemized contributions by donor state. 71% came from South Dakota.
- South Dakota$532.2K
- New York$53.9K
- California$19.5K
- Illinois$18.7K
- Florida$15.5K
Small donations
Gifts of $200 or less as a share of individual money, by cycle. The thin grey bar is the 2026 House Republicans’ median.
0%60%
Johnson
Median
2026
1%
9%
2024
2%
9%
2022
5%
9%
2020
8%
9%
Show the data
| Row | Johnson | Median |
|---|---|---|
| 2026 cycle | 1% | 9% |
| 2024 cycle | 2% | 9% |
| 2022 cycle | 5% | 9% |
| 2020 cycle | 8% | 9% |
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| South Dakota | $532.2K |
| New York | $53.9K |
| California | $19.5K |
| Illinois | $18.7K |
| Florida | $15.5K |
| Minnesota | $15.3K |
| Texas | $13.5K |
| Virginia | $12.8K |
| New Jersey | $12.1K |
| District of Columbia | $9,250 |
| Ohio | $8,000 |
| Nebraska | $7,000 |
| Connecticut | $6,000 |
| Arizona | $4,750 |
| Colorado | $4,250 |
| Maryland | $4,000 |
| Wyoming | $3,300 |
| Pennsylvania | $2,000 |
| Michigan | $1,000 |
| Massachusetts | $1,000 |
| Georgia | $1,000 |
| Mississippi | $500 |
| Kentucky | $250 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
450
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
71%
from South Dakota
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is South Dakota. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Donors’ ideology
Distribution of itemized donors’ own CSIP scores
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| CSIP −1.00 to −0.75 | 0.0% |
| CSIP −0.75 to −0.50 | 0.6% |
| CSIP −0.50 to −0.25 | 0.4% |
| CSIP −0.25 to 0.00 | 2.8% |
| CSIP 0.00 to +0.25 | 8.5% |
| CSIP +0.25 to +0.50 | 5.3% |
| CSIP +0.50 to +0.75 | 11% |
| CSIP +0.75 to +1.00 | 70% |
| CSIP +1.00 to +1.25 | 0.6% |
How to read the columns
Donors who give to many candidates get their own CSIP score. Each column is the share of Johnson’s itemized money from donors in that part of the scale, blue left of 0 and red right of 0, deeper further out; Johnson’s own score is +0.90.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- RETIRED$128.4K 70 donors
- OWNER$67.6K 33 donors
- CEO$64.3K 25 donors
- ATTORNEY$37.2K 29 donors
- PRESIDENT$34.9K 18 donors
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
- AMERICAN HOSPITAL ASSOCIATION PAC$10.0K
- THE FARM CREDIT COUNCIL POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE$10.0K
- NORPAC$6,500
- ASSOCIATED BUILDERS AND CONTRACTORS, INC. POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE (ABC PAC)$5,000
- BUNGE NORTH AMERICA INC POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE$5,000
Top employers
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- SANFORD HEALTH$15.7K 5 donors
- VANTAGE POINT$9,500 4 donors
- AVERA HEALTH$9,000 4 donors
- STATE OF SOUTH DAKOTA$7,500 8 donors
- AVERA$6,500 3 donors
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
Johnson voted with the majority of House Republicans on 99.1% of party-line votes and missed 4.7% of 674 roll calls. House Republicans on average: 97.1% party unity, 96.3% attendance. Across all roll calls, Johnson voted against the majority of House Republicans 8 times.
674 roll calls Johnson could vote on in the 119th Congress, compared with House Republicans. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Johnson voted with the majority of House Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
8
votes against the majority of House Republicans
Party unity 99.1%, House Republicans average 97.1%, ranks 53rd of 221. 674 roll calls in the 119th Congress.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Johnson, the thin grey bar the House Republicans average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
80%100%
Johnson
Peers
Rank
Attendance
95.2%
96.3%
175th of 221
Party unity
99.1%
97.1%
53rd of 221
Show the data
| Row | Johnson | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 95.2% | 96.3% |
| Party unity | 99.1% | 97.1% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the 119th Congress
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sep 16, 2026 | Yea | With majority | Passed | D 209–0 · R 191–14 · I 1–0Democrats 209 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 191 yea, 14 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | became law | |
| Sep 16, 2026 | H.J.Res. 213 Providing for congressional disapproval under chapter 8 of title 5, United States Code, of the rule issued by the Environmental Protection Agency relating to the “California State Nonroad Engine Pollution Control Standards; Commercial Harbor Craft Regulations; Notice of Decision” On Passage | Yea | With majority | Passed | D 3–207 · R 210–1 · I 1–0Democrats 3 yea, 207 nay; Republicans 210 yea, 1 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | close vote |
| Sep 16, 2026 | Yea | With majority | Passed | D 6–206 · R 210–1 · I 1–0Democrats 6 yea, 206 nay; Republicans 210 yea, 1 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | close vote | |
| Sep 16, 2026 | Yea | With majority | Passed | D 139–72 · R 212–0 · I 1–0Democrats 139 yea, 72 nay; Republicans 212 yea, 0 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | party crossover | |
| Sep 16, 2026 | H.R. 5334 An Act to amend the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 to allow early childhood educators to take the educator expense deduction, and for other purposes On Motion to Concur in the Senate Amendments | Yea | With majority | Passed | D 58–152 · R 203–7 · I 1–0Democrats 58 yea, 152 nay; Republicans 203 yea, 7 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | became law · party crossover |
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Johnson most often
- Mike JohnsonR498 shared votes99%
- Rudy YakymR642 shared votes99%
- August Pfluger IIR635 shared votes99%
- Jefferson ShreveR632 shared votes99%
- Doug LamalfaR336 shared votes99%
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Johnson least often
- Adelita GrijalvaD362 shared votes22%
- Rashida TlaibD626 shared votes22%
- Delia RamirezD611 shared votes23%
- Gregorio CasarD551 shared votes25%
- Summer LeeD642 shared votes25%
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
119th Congress (2025–27), loads in batches
Legislation
Johnson sponsored 39 bills in the 119th Congress; 1 became law. Cosponsored 139 others. 10% of sponsored bills got out of committee (House Republicans average 17%; 135th of 216).
The bills Johnson sponsored and cosponsored in the 119th Congress, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the 119th Congress
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 39 | 39 | 3 | 1 | 1 |
| Cosponsored | 139 | 139 | 20 | 3 | 3 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Johnson sponsored, ochre blocks bills Johnson cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
10%
of sponsored bills got out of committee
House Republicans average 17%. Ranks 135th of 216.
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Johnson, by number of shared bills in the 119th Congress; the square shows their party.
- Tracey Mann23
- Randy Feenstra16
- Eugene Vindman16
- Derek Schmidt13
- Brad Finstad12
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Johnson’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| H.R. 10190 | Pennington County Land Conveyance Act | Sponsor | Aug 31, 2026 | In committee | Public Lands and Natural Resources | Referred to the House Committee on Natural Resources. Aug 31, 2026 |
| H.R. 9868 | Preventing Forced Abortions Act of 2026 | Cosponsor | Jul 22, 2026 | In committee | Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | Referred to the House Committee on the Judiciary. Jul 22, 2026 |
| H.R. 9785 | South Dakota Water Feasibility Studies Act | Sponsor | Jul 20, 2026 | In committee | Water Resources Development | Ordered to be Reported in the Nature of a Substitute by Unanimous Consent. Sep 15, 2026 |
| H.R. 9719 | Federal Lands Lawful Carry Act | Cosponsor | Jul 16, 2026 | In committee | Crime and Law Enforcement | Referred to the House Committee on the Judiciary. Jul 16, 2026 |
| H.R. 9250 | Great American Outdoors Act 250 | Cosponsor | Jun 10, 2026 | In committee | Public Lands and Natural Resources | Ordered to be Reported in the Nature of a Substitute (Amended) by Voice Vote. Jun 24, 2026 |
Online
A site that changed 108 times in 90 days. Johnson’s official site had 36 pages when last crawled on Oct 25, 2026. The lab last catalogued the images Johnson posted on Oct 9, 2026.
The lab crawls Johnson’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Johnson posts with a vision model.
Websites
- 36
pages crawled
108changes in 90 days
- 7
pages crawled
4changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
Images Johnson posted
The latest 24, with model-written descriptions
Two men wearing military flight suits stand on an airport apron in front of a fighter jet. Both are carrying bags, and another aircraft is partly visible at the right. There is text on the aircraft and on the men's uniforms.View post 
A group of men and women in business attire pose for a photograph in a wood-paneled meeting room. A long conference table with folders and chairs is in the foreground. Some people are wearing name badges with text.View post 
A black-and-white commemorative poster shows firefighters raising an American flag amid the wreckage of the September 11 attacks. A political organization logo and large memorial text appear on the poster.View post 
A Labor Day poster featuring silhouetted workers against a pale industrial background. A small American flag and a political organization logo appear with decorative text.View post 
Three people are seated onstage in armchairs, smiling and speaking into microphones during a panel discussion. Curtains and a large blue state flag are behind them. There is text on the flag.View post
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Johnson is most unusual among House Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- J000301
- Bioguide
- J000301
- FEC candidate ids
- H8SD01055
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (Congress)Sep 30, 202628 days agoVoteview roll calls, 113th Congress (2013) on.
- Bills (Congress)Oct 22, 20266 days agoGovInfo BILLSTATUS: sponsors, cosponsors, actions, CRS policy area.
- Campaign money (FEC)Oct 22, 20266 days agoFEC committee financial summaries (totals, small donations) and itemized contributions (donor counts, states, employers), cycles 2020-2026; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- ImagesOct 28, 2026todayImages in members' tweets with vision-model descriptions.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab