Bipartisanship
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jun 6, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · bipartisanship · Source
0.7%
of statements claim credit, in the bottom tenth of State House Republicans
0.7% of 2,172 statements claim credit (15 statements); the average for State House Republicans is 13%. Ranks 723rd of 791, where 1st is the highest rate.
An AI model reads each of Prudhomme-O'Brien’s posts on X and marks whether it claims credit for an accomplishment. The rate is the share of statements marked; it is compared with the average among State House Republicans and ranked against the same group.
At a glance
6 measures against State House Republicans. 7.7% of Prudhomme-O'Brien’s statements contain a personal attack, 2.7 times the State House Republican average of 2.9%. Prudhomme-O'Brien sits at +0.08 on the CSIP scale, more liberal than 90% of State House Republicans.
The measures on which Prudhomme-O'Brien sits furthest from the middle of State House Republicans, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Credit claiming
0.7%
State House Republicans average 13% · ranks 723rd of 791
Personal attacks
7.7%
State House Republicans average 2.9% · ranks 83rd of 791
CSIP ideology
+0.08
More liberal than 90% of State House Republicans · ± 0.02
Policy discussion
12%
State House Republicans average 32% · ranks 676th of 791
Talk-to-bills agreement
0.43
State House Republicans average 0.53 · ranks 424th of 504
Bipartisanship
0.1%
State House Republicans average 1.8% · ranks 559th of 791
Peer group: State House Republicans. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Prudhomme-O'Brien, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Prudhomme-O'Brien is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Prudhomme-O'Brien says
Prudhomme-O'Brien claims credit less than 91% of State House Republicans. Credit claiming in 0.7% of 2,172 statements, against 13% for the average State House Republican; 723rd of 791.
An AI model reads each of Prudhomme-O'Brien’s 2,172 statements in the NH 2025–26 session (2,172 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Republicans and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the NH 2025–26 session
0%80%
Prudhomme-O'Brien
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion268 statements
12%
32%
676th of 791
Personal attacks168 statements
8%
3%
83rd of 791
Policy criticism66 statements
3%
9%
550th of 791
Credit claiming15 statements
1%
13%
723rd of 791
Bipartisanship2 statements
0%
2%
559th of 791
Show the data
| Row | Prudhomme-O'Brien | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 12% | 32% |
| Personal attacks | 8% | 3% |
| Policy criticism | 3% | 9% |
| Credit claiming | 1% | 13% |
| Bipartisanship | 0% | 2% |
2,172
statements classified
2,172 posts on X.
Show the data
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 2,172 |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is Prudhomme-O'Brien; the thin grey bar is the average State House Republicans. A longer thick bar means Prudhomme-O'Brien does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Prudhomme-O'Brien used extreme labels in 0.4% of statements, 28% of the peer average. 9 statements, most often aimed at Biden; peers 1.4%.
- “extreme”2
- “radical”1
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
- Biden1
- he1
- Kamala1
- party1
- radical separatist1
What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the NH 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 57 | 8.8% | 5.3% | 10.5% | 1.8% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’25 | 57 | 10.5% | 8.8% | 14.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’25 | 114 | 2.6% | 3.5% | 9.7% | 0.0% | 1.8% | 0.0% |
| Apr ’25 | 131 | 3.8% | 0.8% | 1.5% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.8% |
| May ’25 | 83 | 6.0% | 1.2% | 13.3% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Jun ’25 | 103 | 12.6% | 1.0% | 7.8% | 1.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Jul ’25 | 72 | 5.6% | 2.8% | 12.5% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’25 | 70 | 5.7% | 4.3% | 5.7% | 0.0% | 1.4% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’25 | 129 | 7.0% | 5.4% | 8.5% | 0.0% | 2.3% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’25 | 121 | 5.8% | 1.7% | 3.3% | 0.0% | 0.8% | 1.7% |
| Nov ’25 | 115 | 7.8% | 4.3% | 7.8% | 0.0% | 1.7% | 0.9% |
| Dec ’25 | 70 | 7.1% | 1.4% | 14.3% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Jan ’26 | 75 | 10.7% | 1.3% | 20.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Feb ’26 | 171 | 12.9% | 2.3% | 4.1% | 0.0% | 1.2% | 0.0% |
| Mar ’26 | 107 | 3.7% | 6.5% | 7.5% | 0.0% | 1.9% | 1.9% |
| Apr ’26 | 109 | 5.5% | 1.8% | 12.8% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| May ’26 | 69 | 1.5% | 2.9% | 17.4% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 1.5% |
| Jun ’26 | 135 | 7.4% | 4.4% | 12.6% | 0.0% | 0.7% | 1.5% |
| Jul ’26 | 107 | 9.3% | 0.9% | 19.6% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Aug ’26 | 75 | 4.0% | 6.7% | 34.7% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Sep ’26 | 119 | 17.6% | 1.7% | 30.3% | 0.0% | 0.8% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’26 | 83 | 9.6% | 1.2% | 22.9% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the NH 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%.
In Prudhomme-O'Brien’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Sep 15, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; credit claiming; Families; Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jun 13, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · extreme label “radical” aimed at radical separatist · Source
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Kamala HarrisSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: ClintonSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues · target: SteveSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: Alex CooperSource
Posts on X (state legislators)
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · target: FarwellSource
All 2,172 statements
Newest first, the NH 2025–26 session
The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 2,172 posts on X.
Policy
Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues is what Prudhomme-O'Brien talks about most: 34% of policy statements, 5.6 times the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.43 on a 0–1 scale (State House Republicans average 0.53; 424th of 504).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Prudhomme-O'Brien talks about. The bills Prudhomme-O'Brien sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What Prudhomme-O'Brien talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the NH 2025–26 session
0%38%
Prudhomme-O'Brien
Peers
Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues92 statements
34%
6%
Health52 statements
19%
10%
Education39 statements
15%
15%
Crime and Law Enforcement32 statements
12%
11%
Families32 statements
12%
4%
Show the data
| Row | Prudhomme-O'Brien | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 34% | 6% |
| Health | 19% | 10% |
| Education | 15% | 15% |
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 12% | 11% |
| Families | 12% | 4% |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of Prudhomme-O'Brien’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 38%. Grey ticks are the State House Republicans averages.
Show the data
| Area | Talks about | State House Republicans, talks about | Legislates on | State House Republicans, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 34% | 6% | 31% | 4% |
| Health | 19% | 10% | 8% | 10% |
| Education | 15% | 15% | 0% | 9% |
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 12% | 11% | 8% | 11% |
| Families | 12% | 4% | 0% | 2% |
0.43
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
State House Republicans average 0.53. Ranks 424th of 504.
What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Prudhomme-O'Brien legislates on exactly the areas Prudhomme-O'Brien talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Prudhomme-O'Brien sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology
Prudhomme-O'Brien sits at +0.08 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more liberal than 90% of State House Republicans. Approximate range +0.07 to +0.10, which understates the uncertainty; from 1 donors and 1,142 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
+0.08
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +0.07 to +0.10. From 1 donors and 1,142 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Prudhomme-O'Brien, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Prudhomme-O'Brien’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Prudhomme-O'Brien sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
State House Republicans2,917 · median +0.4
New Hampshire House382 · median 0.0
All State House5,324 · median +0.1
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Prudhomme-O'Brien |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Republicans | 2917 | +0.4 | 10% |
| New Hampshire House | 382 | 0.0 | 59% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 51% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Prudhomme-O'Brien in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Prudhomme-O'Brien.
Money
Prudhomme-O'Brien reported $600 in the 2020 cycle, below the State House Republicans’ median of $1,350. State filings report no small-donation total. 100% of itemized individual money came from New Hampshire.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
$600
itemized in the 2020 cycle
From 1 itemized donors. State House Republicans’ median $1,350.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2020 cycle.
- Individuals (itemized)83 squares$500
- PACs and other committees17 squares$100
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $500 | 83.3% |
| PACs and other committees | $100 | 16.7% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Receipts by cycle
Itemized contributions, 2020 to 2020. The grey line is the State House Republicans’ median for 2020.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $600 |
Top donor states, 2020
Itemized contributions by donor state. 100% came from New Hampshire.
- New Hampshire$500
Small donations
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| New Hampshire | $500 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Iowa | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Colorado | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
| Florida | No data |
1
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
100%
from New Hampshire
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is New Hampshire. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2020 cycle.
No occupations reported.
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2020 cycle.
- NH LIBERTY ALLIANCE$100
Top employers
Itemized, 2020 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
Prudhomme-O'Brien voted with the majority of New Hampshire House Republicans on 97.6% of party-line votes and missed 7.4% of 557 roll calls. New Hampshire House on average: 95.3% party unity, 89% attendance. Across all roll calls, Prudhomme-O'Brien voted against the majority of New Hampshire House Republicans 15 times.
557 roll calls Prudhomme-O'Brien could vote on in the NH 2025–26 session, compared with New Hampshire House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Prudhomme-O'Brien voted with the majority of New Hampshire House Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
15
votes against the majority of New Hampshire House Republicans
Party unity 97.6%, New Hampshire House average 95.3%, ranks 152nd of 381. 557 roll calls in the NH 2025–26 session.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Prudhomme-O'Brien, the thin grey bar the New Hampshire House average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
80%100%
Prudhomme-O'Brien
Peers
Rank
Attendance
92.6%
89%
216th of 382
Party unity
97.6%
95.3%
152nd of 381
Show the data
| Row | Prudhomme-O'Brien | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 92.6% | 89% |
| Party unity | 97.6% | 95.3% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the NH 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Aug 19, 2026 | HB 2026 relative to the state 10-year transportation improvement plan; relative to toll rate adjustments and periodic toll reviews for the New Hampshire turnpike system to support the 2027-2036 ten-year transportation plan; and relative to reconstruction of the Gregg Mill Road Bridge in the town of New Bost Veto Override | Yea | With majority | pass | D 143–0 · R 148–25 · I 1–0Democrats 143 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 148 yea, 25 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | party crossover |
| Aug 19, 2026 | HB 1358 establishing a commission to study transitioning all public schools to public charter schools. Veto Override | Yea | With majority | fail | D 0–143 · R 149–23 · I 1–0Democrats 0 yea, 143 nay; Republicans 149 yea, 23 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | close vote · party crossover |
| Aug 19, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 0–139 · R 161–9 · I 1–0Democrats 0 yea, 139 nay; Republicans 161 yea, 9 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | close vote | |
| Aug 19, 2026 | Yea | With majority | pass | D 0–142 · R 158–13 · I 1–0Democrats 0 yea, 142 nay; Republicans 158 yea, 13 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | close vote | |
| Aug 19, 2026 | HB 1726 relative to the sale of surplus state-owned land and establishing a commission to study the sale of state-owned property. Veto Override | Nay | Against majority | fail | D 2–135 · R 98–71 · I 1–0Democrats 2 yea, 135 nay; Republicans 98 yea, 71 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay | party crossover |
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Prudhomme-O'Brien most often
- John LeavittR320 shared votes98%
- Harry BeanR252 shared votes98%
- David LoveR474 shared votes97%
- Darrell LouisR434 shared votes97%
- Larry MinerR433 shared votes97%
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Prudhomme-O'Brien least often
- Samantha JacobsD406 shared votes6.7%
- Jim MacKayD196 shared votes7.1%
- Suraj BudathokiD444 shared votes7.2%
- Loren SeligD407 shared votes7.4%
- Merryl GibbsD361 shared votes7.8%
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
NH 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Legislation
Prudhomme-O'Brien sponsored 0 bills in the NH 2025–26 session; none became law. Cosponsored 14 others.
The bills Prudhomme-O'Brien sponsored and cosponsored in the NH 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the NH 2025–26 session
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
| Cosponsored | 14 | 14 | 12 | 5 | 4 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Prudhomme-O'Brien sponsored, ochre blocks bills Prudhomme-O'Brien cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
No effectiveness score.Too few sponsored bills to score (at least 5 are needed).
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Prudhomme-O'Brien, by number of shared bills in the NH 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
- Sherri Reinfurt3
- Katelyn Kuttab3
- Victoria Sullivan3
- Lisa Mazur3
- Melissa Litchfield3
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Prudhomme-O'Brien’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| HB 1447 | restricting the use of certain public and private facilities on the basis of sex and establishing that such restriction does not qualify as discrimination. | Cosponsor | Dec 4, 2025 | Passed one chamber | Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues(model) | Pending Motion Ought to Pass; 05/07/2026; SJ 11 May 7, 2026 |
| HB 1376 | relative to a parent's ability to raise their child in a manner consistent with the child's biological sex and relative to breast surgeries for minors. | Cosponsor | Dec 2, 2025 | Passed both chambers | Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues(model) | Signed by Governor Ayotte 07/15/2026; Chapter 326; eff.09/13/2026 Jul 20, 2026 |
| HB 1277 | relative to proof of identification on absentee ballot applications. | Cosponsor | Dec 1, 2025 | In committee | Government Operations and Politics(model) | Minority Committee Report: Ought to Pass with Amendment # 2026-0987h Mar 4, 2026 |
| CACR 14 | relating to qualifications for office. Providing that candidates of the office of governor, state senator, and state representative shall be citizens of the United States. | Cosponsor | Dec 1, 2025 | Passed one chamber | Government Operations and Politics(model) | Ought to Pass: MF RC 182-157 Lacking Necessary Three-Fifths Vote 03/05/2026 HJ 6 P. 109 Mar 5, 2026 |
| HB 1217 | permitting classification of individuals based on biological sex under certain limited circumstances. | Cosponsor | Dec 1, 2025 | Passed one chamber | Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues(model) | Pending Motion Ought to Pass; 05/07/2026; SJ 11 May 7, 2026 |
Online
A site that changed 1 time in 90 days. Prudhomme-O'Brien’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Prudhomme-O'Brien’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Prudhomme-O'Brien posts with a vision model.
Websites
Official site
www.gencourt.state.nh.us/house/members/member.aspx?member=377258Last crawled Oct 1, 2026
1pages crawled
1changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Images Prudhomme-O'Brien posted
No images from Prudhomme-O'Brien’s posts have been described.
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
State floor speeches
No transcribed state floor speeches are matched to this legislator yet.
Floor speeches
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Prudhomme-O'Brien is most unusual among State House Republicans, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- a0a8c9d8-1f27-4d28-a249-8a5856ea5c05
- Open States
- ocd-person/a0a8c9d8-1f27-4d28-a249-8a5856ea5c05
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (state)Oct 21, 20267 days agoOpen States floor roll calls, 2019 on (none for AK and MO).
- Bills (state)Oct 28, 2026todayOpen States bills and sponsors, 2019 on; stages from roll calls.
- Campaign money (state)no dateState campaign-finance agencies, 2019 on; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- State floor speechesOct 21, 20267 days agoState floor speech turns (published transcripts and captions), 2020 on; not LLM-classified.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab