Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Aug 12, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Education · Source

3.2% of 63 sponsored bills got out of committee; the average for the Iowa House is 13%. Ranks 94th of 98, where 1st is the highest share.
The share of bills Fett sponsored that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, ranked within the Iowa House. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position as well as effort.
6 measures against the Iowa House. Fett sits at +0.69 on the CSIP scale, more conservative than 91% of State House Republicans. Fett missed 7.2% of 822 roll calls, attendance in the bottom half of the Iowa House (average 91.8%).
The measures on which Fett sits furthest from the middle of the Iowa House, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Out of committee
Iowa House average 13% · ranks 94th of 98
CSIP ideology
More conservative than 91% of State House Republicans · ± 0.09
Party unity
Iowa House average 96.0% · ranks 17th of 98 · 7 votes against the majority of Iowa House Republicans
Attendance
Iowa House average 91.8% · ranks 65th of 98 · 822 roll calls
From Iowa, 2026
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 798th of 2,335 State House Republicans
Itemized, 2026
State House Republicans’ median $33.7K · ranks 1522nd of 2,521
Peer group: Iowa House. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Fett, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Fett is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Fett attacks opponents personally less than 81% of State House Republicans. Personal attacks in 0% of 75 statements, against 2.9% for the average State House Republican; 642nd of 791.
An AI model reads each of Fett’s 75 statements in the IA 2025–26 session (75 posts on X) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for State House Republicans and ranked among them.
Share of statements carrying each label, the IA 2025–26 session
| Row | Fett | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 13% | 32% |
| Policy criticism | 1% | 9% |
| Bipartisanship | 1% | 2% |
| Credit claiming | 1% | 13% |
| Personal attacks | 0% | 3% |
statements classified
75 posts on X.
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 75 |
The thick bar is Fett; the thin grey bar is the average State House Republicans. A longer thick bar means Fett does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Fett used extreme labels in 1.3% of statements, close to the peer average. 1 statement; peers 1.4%.
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
No targets recorded.
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Share of statements per month, the IA 2025–26 session
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Feb ’25 | 7 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Mar ’25 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Apr ’25 | 5 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| May ’25 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jun ’25 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jul ’25 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’25 | 4 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’25 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Oct ’25 | 5 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Nov ’25 | 3 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Dec ’25 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jan ’26 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Feb ’26 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Mar ’26 | 5 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Apr ’26 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| May ’26 | 0 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jun ’26 | 6 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Jul ’26 | 2 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Aug ’26 | 1 | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) | — (fewer than 10 statements) |
| Sep ’26 | 11 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 27.3% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
| Oct ’26 | 10 | 0.0% | 0.0% | 20.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% | 0.0% |
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the IA 2025–26 session, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. 20 months are hatched here; 3 of them have no statements.
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Policy criticism
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Aug 12, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy criticism; policy discussion; Education · Source
Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Mar 19, 2026 · Posts on X (state legislators) · policy discussion; bipartisanship; credit claiming; Education · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Apr 14, 2025 · Posts on X (state legislators) · extreme label “extreme” · Source
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
No statements in this category in this window.
Newest first, the IA 2025–26 session
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 75 posts on X.
Education is what Fett talks about most: 70% of policy statements, 4.7 times the peer share. Peers give it 15%. Agreement with legislation needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Fett talks about. The bills Fett sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
Share of policy statements by area, the IA 2025–26 session
| Row | Fett | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Education | 70% | 15% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 50% | 6% |
| Families | 10% | 4% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 10% | 18% |
| Law | 10% | 3% |
The thick bar is the share of Fett’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for State House Republicans. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 77%. Grey ticks are the State House Republicans averages.
| Area | Talks about | State House Republicans, talks about | Legislates on | State House Republicans, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Education | 70% | 15% | 21% | 9% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 50% | 6% | 10% | 4% |
| Families | 10% | 4% | 0% | 2% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 10% | 18% | 13% | 12% |
| Law | 10% | 3% | 3% | 3% |
No agreement score.Needs at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills in the window.
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Fett legislates on exactly the areas Fett talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Fett sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Fett sits at +0.69 on the CSIP scale, right of 0, more conservative than 91% of State House Republicans. Approximate range +0.60 to +0.78, which understates the uncertainty; from 165 donors and 282 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range +0.60 to +0.78. From 165 donors and 282 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Fett, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Fett’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Fett |
|---|---|---|---|
| State House Republicans | 2917 | +0.4 | 91% |
| Iowa House | 99 | +0.4 | 82% |
| All State House | 5324 | +0.1 | 95% |
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Fett in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Fett.
Fett reported $22.8K in the 2026 cycle, below the State House Republicans’ median of $33.7K. State filings report no small-donation total. 100% of itemized individual money came from Iowa.
Campaign money from state campaign-finance filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift total, so these figures add up itemized contributions only.
itemized in the 2026 cycle
From 60 itemized donors. State House Republicans’ median $33.7K.
Each square is one percent of itemized contributions in the 2026 cycle.
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Individuals (itemized) | $14.0K | 61.4% |
| PACs and other committees | $8,800 | 38.6% |
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind.
Itemized contributions, 2024 to 2026. The grey line is the State House Republicans’ median for 2026.
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2024 cycle | $57.0K |
| 2026 cycle | $22.8K |
Itemized contributions by donor state. 100% came from Iowa.
State filings report no total for small gifts.
Not reported in state filings.
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Iowa | $13.9K |
| Colorado | $20 |
| Alaska | No data |
| Maine | No data |
| Vermont | No data |
| New Hampshire | No data |
| Washington | No data |
| Idaho | No data |
| Montana | No data |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Minnesota | No data |
| Illinois | No data |
| Wisconsin | No data |
| Michigan | No data |
| New York | No data |
| Rhode Island | No data |
| Massachusetts | No data |
| Oregon | No data |
| Nevada | No data |
| Wyoming | No data |
| South Dakota | No data |
| Indiana | No data |
| Ohio | No data |
| Pennsylvania | No data |
| New Jersey | No data |
| Connecticut | No data |
| California | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Nebraska | No data |
| Missouri | No data |
| Kentucky | No data |
| West Virginia | No data |
| Virginia | No data |
| Maryland | No data |
| Delaware | No data |
| Arizona | No data |
| New Mexico | No data |
| Kansas | No data |
| Arkansas | No data |
| Tennessee | No data |
| North Carolina | No data |
| South Carolina | No data |
| District of Columbia | No data |
| Oklahoma | No data |
| Louisiana | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
| Alabama | No data |
| Georgia | No data |
| Hawaii | No data |
| Texas | No data |
| Florida | No data |
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
from Iowa
Of itemized individual dollars
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Iowa. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No occupations reported.
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
No employers reported.
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Fett voted with the majority of Iowa House Republicans on 99.3% of party-line votes and missed 7.2% of 822 roll calls. Iowa House on average: 96.0% party unity, 91.8% attendance. Across all roll calls, Fett voted against the majority of Iowa House Republicans 7 times.
822 roll calls Fett could vote on in the IA 2025–26 session, compared with Iowa House. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Fett voted with the majority of Iowa House Republicans. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
votes against the majority of Iowa House Republicans
Party unity 99.3%, Iowa House average 96.0%, ranks 17th of 98. 822 roll calls in the IA 2025–26 session.
The thick bar is Fett, the thin grey bar the Iowa House average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
| Row | Fett | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 92.8% | 91.8% |
| Party unity | 99.3% | 96.0% |
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the IA 2025–26 session
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Oct 2, 2026 | HF 2801 A bill for an act modifying the major economic growth attraction program, and including effective date provisions. Shall the bill pass? | Yea | With majority | pass | D 16–15 · R 59–2Democrats 16 yea, 15 nay; Republicans 59 yea, 2 nay | became law · party crossover |
| May 2, 2026 | SF 639 A bill for an act creating a specialty business court, and including effective date provisions. Shall amendment H-8456 be adopted? | Nay | With majority | fail | D 0–27 · R 8–50Democrats 0 yea, 27 nay; Republicans 8 yea, 50 nay | became law · party crossover |
| May 2, 2026 | HF 2770 A bill for an act relating to and making appropriations to the justice system, providing fees, and including applicability provisions. Shall amendment H-8451, to amendment H-8414, be adopted? | Yea | With majority | pass | D 27–0 · R 55–3Democrats 27 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 55 yea, 3 nay | became law |
| May 2, 2026 | SF 2480 A bill for an act relating to the taxation and regulation of alternative nicotine products and vapor products, making appropriations, and including effective date provisions. Shall the bill pass? | Yea | With majority | pass | D 14–13 · R 53–5Democrats 14 yea, 13 nay; Republicans 53 yea, 5 nay | became law · party crossover |
| May 2, 2026 | SF 2465 A bill for an act relating to agriculture, including by providing for the powers and duties of the department of agriculture and land stewardship, including the promotion and regulation of commodities and products, the regulation of the transportation of agricultural items, the use of agricultural l Shall the bill pass? | Yea | With majority | pass | D 22–3 · R 59–1Democrats 22 yea, 3 nay; Republicans 59 yea, 1 nay | became law · party crossover |
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
The colleagues who voted the same way as Fett most often
The colleagues who voted the same way as Fett least often
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
IA 2025–26 session, loads in batches
Fett sponsored 63 bills in the IA 2025–26 session; none became law. Cosponsored 0 others. 3.2% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Iowa House average 13%; 94th of 98).
The bills Fett sponsored and cosponsored in the IA 2025–26 session, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Counts for the IA 2025–26 session
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 63 | 62 | 2 | 0 | 0 |
| Cosponsored | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
Ink blocks are bills Fett sponsored, ochre blocks bills Fett cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Iowa House average 13%. Ranks 94th of 98.
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Fett, by number of shared bills in the IA 2025–26 session; the square shows their party.
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Fett’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| HF 2728 | A bill for an act relating to obstructing first responders, and providing penalties. | Sponsor | Mar 2, 2026 | In committee | Crime and Law Enforcement(model) | Withdrawn. Apr 9, 2026 |
| HR 110 | A resolution honoring the Phoenix Declaration. | Sponsor | Feb 26, 2026 | Introduced | Unassigned | Resolution filed, laid over under Rule 25. Feb 26, 2026 |
| HF 2451 | A bill for an act relating to student instructional technology standards, including elementary school digital instruction limits, technology use policies, and governance of one-to-one digital device programs. | Sponsor | Feb 16, 2026 | In committee | Education(model) | Committee report approving bill, renumbered as HF 2685. Feb 23, 2026 |
| HF 2470 | A bill for an act requiring the department of education to develop and administer a pilot program that authorizes school districts and charter schools to offer instruction in logic and critical thinking. | Sponsor | Feb 16, 2026 | In committee | Education(model) | Introduced, referred to Education. Feb 16, 2026 |
| HF 2395 | A bill for an act relating to the use of fluoride-based additives in private and public water supply systems. | Sponsor | Feb 11, 2026 | In committee | Health(model) | Introduced, referred to Health and Human Services. Feb 11, 2026 |
A site that has not changed in 90 days. Fett’s official site had 1 page when last crawled on Oct 1, 2026.
The lab crawls Fett’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Fett posts with a vision model.
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
pages crawled
changes in 90 days
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
No images from Fett’s posts have been described.
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
41 turns, Jan 14, 2026 to Apr 30, 2026
Transcribed from chamber video or captions by the lab. They are not classified for kinds of statement.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline is the measure on which Fett is most unusual among Iowa House, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab